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OLIVER CROMWELL 


LONDON*. PRINTED BY 

SI’OTTIS'VFOODE AND CO., NE\\’-STKEET SQUARE 
AND PARLIAMENT STREET 


LIFE 


OF 

OLIVER CROMWELL 


TO THE DEATH OF CHARLES THE FIRST. 



<> BY 

>7 

R. ANDREWS, 


* * 


BARRISTER-AT-LAW. 



LONDON: 

LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 

1870. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 

The Wars of the Roses—The Putney Blacksmith and his Two 
Children—The Marriage of the Daughter—Thomas Cromwell 
travels Abroad—Engaged as Secretary to Cardinal Wolsey—Fall 
of Wolsey—Cromwell becomes Secretary to Cranmer—The Sup¬ 
pression of Monastic Institutions—The Monks of Old—Their 
Discoveries and Inventions—Retributive Parallels in the History 
of the Tudors—The Stuarts and the Cromwells—The Pedigree 
of the Morgan-ap-Williams Family—Richard Williams’s (alias 
Cromwell) Letter to his Uncle, Thomas Lord Cromwell—Great 
Wealth of Sir Richard Cromwell—Dissipated by his Son Henry 
•—Robert Cromwell, Grandson of Sir Henry, and Father 
of Oliver the Protector, settles in Huntingdon—The State of 
the Church of England shortly after the Reformation—The 
Vestiarian Controversy—Irregularities in the Mode of Cele¬ 
brating Divine Worship—The Oath of Supremacy Objected to 
and Enforced—Archbishop Parker and Queen Elizabeth drive 
Coverdale out of the Pale of the Church—Specimen of a Full- 
robed Canonical—Grindall’s Alarm at Parker’s Violent Proceed¬ 
ings—Censors and Spies introduced . . page 1 


CHAPTER II. 

Change observed towards the Close of the Sixteenth Century in the 
People of England—Desecration of the Sabbath—The Puritans 
oppose the Growing Immorality—Await in Hope of a Better State 
of Things on the Accession of James I.—Oliver Cromwell born 
in the Town of Huntingdon—Income and Occupation of his 
Father, Robert Cromwell—Character of Oliver’s Mother—His 
Early Years—King James at Hinchinbrook—Oliver’s School 
Days—Dr. Beard and the Huntingdon Free Grammar School— 



VI 


CONTENTS. 


The Family of Robert and Elizabeth Cromwell—Review of the 
«/ 

Principal Events in Church and State at this Period—Elizabeth 
and her Parliament—Suspension of the Puritan Divines—Queen 
Elizabeth and her Dislike to Sermons—Accession of James I.— 
His Antecedents—Puritan Expectations—His Leanings towards 
the High Church Party—The Milleniary Petition rejected—The 
Hampton Court Conference—Dr. Reynolds, and the King’s Reply 
to him—The Gunpowder Plot—The King necessitated to call 
another Parliament—The Royal Game of Chess—The Act of 
Uniformity—Creation and Sale of Titles of Dignity—Scotch 
Avidity in Money Matters made known to the Parliament— 
Domestic Troubles of the King—-Unfortunate Marriage of the 
Princess Elizabeth—Death of the Prince of Wales—Lord Chief 
Justice Coke and Sir Walter Raleigh—The Disgrace of the 
Somersets—A New Favourite found in George Yilliers—Sir 
Francis Bacon Lord Keeper—Cromwell enters Sussex College, 
Cambridge—His Contemporaries in the World of Science and 
Discovery—The State of England in the Reign of James I.—; 
Prices of Provisions, Labour, &c.—Customs and Habits—Food 
and Drinks of the Population—National Costumes—Mining Ope¬ 
rations—Population of England at different Periods—National 
Revenue and Expenditure—Death of Mr. Robert Cromwell— 
Thoughtless Extravagance of Oliver—Studies at one of the Inns 
of Court — Heath’s Picture of him at Huntingdon . page 1G 


CHAPTER III. 

The King goes to Scotland—Laud’s Efforts there to establish Epis¬ 
copacy—The Lancashire Petition for Sunday Sports—Publication 
of the 1 Book of Sports ’—Archbishop Abbot forbids it at Croydon 
—London the stronghold of the Puritans—The King and the 
Lord Mayor—Blind Infatuation of James—The Spanish Match- 
Calamities of the next Reign to be ascribed to James—Sir Walter 
Raleigh sacrificed to his Spanish Enemies—His Execution—The 
Synod of Dort—Arminian Tendencies of the King—His Love of 
Sacerdotal Pomp—Advent of Laud to Power—Puritan Opposition 
—Poverty of the Exchequer, and the King’s Method of replenish¬ 
ing it—Death of the Queen—The Princess Elizabeth—The 
Danish Royal Family—The Elector Palatine—Great Change in 
Oliver Cromwell’s Conduct—The ‘Town Cross’—‘ Calvinistic 
Christianity ’—Cromwell’s own Account of Himself—His Mar¬ 
riage—Milton’s last Resting-place—Cromwell’s Sisters and their 


CONTENTS. 


Yll 


Home at Huntingdon—Oliver’s Uncles and Aunts—Mrs. Oliver 
Cromwell—The King in Financial Troubles again—Monopolies 
—Corruption in High Places—Lord Bacon and others proved to 
have taken Bribes—King James and the Cheesemonger—The 
King on Privilege and Royal Prerogative—The Protest of the 
Commons, and the Anger of the King thereat—Death of James I. 
—Melancholy Picture of England during his Reign—Growth of 
Ritualism under Laud’s Ascendency—Appearance of the State 
Puritans—Birth of Cromwell’s Son Richard—Letter of Cromwell 
to Downhall—Mr. Downhall’s subsequent History . page 52 


CHAPTER IV. 

Archbishop Laud at Whitehall—Death and Last Moments of King 
James—The Funeral and Post-mortem Examination—Marriage of 
King Charles and Henrietta of France—Visitations of the Great 
Pestilence—The Duke of Buckingham First Minister—The First 
Parliament and the Speech of the King—Two Subsidies granted 
—Parliament adjourned to Oxford—Discussions of Grievances— 
The King resorts to a Forced Loan—Failure of the Fleet under 
Viscount Wimbledon—Parliament condemns the Advisers of the 
King for Misapplication of the Subsidy—Charge against the Duke 
of Buckingham—His Impeachment and Debate thereon—Royal 
Message to the Commons and their Interview with his Majesty— 
Sir John Eliot and others sent to the Tower—The Commons 
petition the King—Parliament dissolved—Financial Difficulties 
of the Court—The Attorney-General devises a Scheme for re¬ 
plenishing the Exchequer—Domestic Troubles of the Royal 
Family—Priestly Interference therein—The King dismisses the 
French Retinue, Priests included—Discontent among the Fleet— 
The King obliged to call another Parliament—Oliver Cromwell 
Member for Huntingdon—The King’s Speech and the Debate 
thereon—Sir Edward Coke’sbold Declaration—Constitutional Free¬ 
dom not understood by the Stuarts—The Act of Edward II. and 
the Consent of Parliament to all Laws—Social Organisation and 
its Laws of Development—Continued Disputes between the King 
and the Parliament—Remonstrance sent by the Commons to his 
Majesty—Graphic Description of the Member for Malton, an 
Eye-witness of the Scene he describes as taking place in the 
House—Abrupt Termination of the Session—Assassination of the 
Duke of Buckingham—Meeting of Parliament—Puritan Ascen¬ 
dency in the House—The First Speech of Cromwell—Taxes 




Vlll 


CONTENTS. 


formerly granted at the Commencement of each Reign—Tonnage 
and Poundage—Taxes which led to Disputes with the King, and 
ultimately to Civil War—Scene of Confusion in the Commons— 
The Speaker forcibly held down in his Chair whilst the Protest is 
read and passed—Parliament dissolved—The King issues a Pro¬ 
clamation—His Majesty decides on governing without a Parlia¬ 
ment—Lay Impropriations—Laud’s Efforts to get hold of them— 
His annual Report to the King on the State and Discipline of the 
Church ...... page 73 


CHAPTER V. 

New Charters for Boroughs introduced—Old Sir Oliver Cromwell 
at Hinchinbrook—Oliver Cromwell settles at St. Ives—His 
Farming Operations—King Charles and Laud resort to Monopolies 
to replenish the Empty Exchequer—Royal Visit to Scotland— 
Attempt to introduce Episcopacy in Edinburgh—Prynne sen¬ 
tenced to the Pillory—Ship-money Scheme of Noy—John 
Hampden fined for opposing it—The Puritan Lecturers, and 
Cromwell’s Letter on their Behalf—He removes his Family to 
Ely on the Death of his Wife’s Uncle, Sir Thomas Stuart— 
Cromwell opposes the Fen Draining Scheme—His Plans for 
Emigrating (with others) to America frustrated by the Government 
—Star Chamber Prosecutions—Lilburn, Bastwick, and Burton in 
the Pillory—Graphic Picture of the Period by Sir Arthur Haselrig 
—Scene in St. Giles’s Church, Edinburgh—Cromwell returned to 
Parliament Member for Cambridge Town—Debate on Grievances 
renewed—Parliament Dissolved, and several Offending Members 
committed to Prison—War breaks out between England and 
Scotland—Domestic Life of the Royal Family—State of England 
—Prince Charles and his Tutor . . . 105 


CHAPTER VI. 

Laud in his Study—Gloomy Prognostics more than realised—Laud 
and Strafford deserted by the King—The Long Parliament 
assembles—Petition of the Star-Chamber Victims presented by 
Cromwell—Cromwell’s Appearance in the House described by 
Sir Philip Warwick—Oliver St. John made Solicitor-General— 
Assent of the King to the Bill for holding Triennial Parliaments, 
and his Majesty’s Speech thereon—Laud and Strafford sent to 
the Tower—Opposition to Popery—Severe Enactments against 


CONTENTS. 


IX 


tlie Papists—The King intercedes in vain with the Parliament in 
favour of Strafford—The Bill depriving the Monarch of the Power 
to dissolve Parliament at Pleasure receives the Royal Assent— 
Episcopacy attacked in the House—The Queen and her Con¬ 
fessors—Letter of Father Phillips—The King goes to Scotland— 
A Parliamentary Committee appointed to accompany His Majesty 
—Debates in the House during the Past Session—Cromwell’s 
celebrated Remark to Lord Falkland—Pacific Policy of the King 
on his Return from Scotland—Rushworth’s Account of the 
Banquet at Guildhall—Popularity of King Charles at this Period 
—Unfortunate Policy towards the Parliament—His Reception of 
the Deputation at Hampton Court—His Majesty’s Answer to the 
Remonstrance—The Outbreak of the Irish Rebellion—Terrible 
Cruelties of the Rebels—Tumultuous Mob Assemblies at White¬ 
hall—Unpopular Choice of a New Governor of the Tower— 
Accusation against the Five Members by the King, and Violent 
Proceedings adopted towards Others—Conference between the 
Two Houses—The King suddenly appears in the House of 
Commons—His Majesty’s Speech, in which he demands the 
Surrender of the Offending Members—The House adjourns to 
Guildhall—The King follows up his Demand in the City— 
Remonstrance of the Citizens, and the Reply of His Majesty—The 
House complains of Breach of Privilege—Return to Westminster 
—A Conciliatory Message sent by his Majesty—Perseverance of 
the Commons, and Retreat of the King from his False Position— 
Unfortunate Decision of the Monarch to seek Foreign Aid—The 
Queen escapes to Holland, taking the Crown Jewels—The King 
goes to York—Message from the Parliament to his Majesty—The 
Royal Answer—Approach of Civil War—The Militia called 
out ...... page 125 


CHAPTER VII. 

State of England at the Outbreak of the Civil War—Cromwell 
employed in Collecting Men and Money—Commands a Troop— 
Military Visit to his Kinsman at Ramsay—Baxter’s Opinion of 
Oliver Cromwell—The Discipline of the Soldiers under Cromwell 
—His Statement concerning them—Their Religious Welfare— 
The Royal Standard set up at Nottingham—Early Indecision of 
the Parliamentary General—Battle of Edgehill—Cromwell’s 
Description of the Parliamentary Troops—Forced Loans become 
necessary—Retreat of the Royal Army to Oxford—Successful 
Skirmish of Prince Rupert—Cromwell in the Associated Counties 



X 


CONTENTS. 


under the Earl of Manchester—The Queen returns to England 
with Succours—The Parliament disposed towards Peace, but not 
so the Royalists—The Two Armies break up their Winter 
Quarters—Cavalry Skirmish and Death of Hampden—Oliver 
Cromwell's successful Encounter at Hertford—Affair at Lowestoft 
—His Letter from Gainsborough—Distinction between a Cavalry 
Soldier and a Musketeer—Gloomy Prospects of the Parliament 
Forces in the Summer of 1643 —Energetic Appeal of Cromwell 
for Supplies—Skirmish near Gainsborough—Cromwell’s De¬ 
scription of the Fight—Death of the Royalist General Cavendish 
—Unsuccessful Efforts to Retain Lincoln by the Parliamentary 
Forces—Cromwell is ably supported by the Parliament—The 
Scots accept the Invitation to join in the National Struggle, 
on condition that Episcopacy in England be abolished, and 
Presbyterianism substituted—The Westminster Confession of 
Faith—The Scots’ Army Raised—Cromwell and Fairfax attack 
Sir John Henderson’s Forces near Horncastle—Cromwell’s Danger 
in this Encounter—His Graphic Description of the Fight—Retires 
to Ely at the End of the Campaign—Death of Pym—His Cha¬ 
racter—Death of other Eminent Men—Poverty and Distress of 
Bishop Hall and other distinguished Ecclesiastics—Laud in the 
Tower—His Diary, written at this Period—His Death on Tower 
Hill ...... page 156 


CHAPTER VIII. 

Extract from Evelyn’s Diary—The Scots’ Army, under General 
Leven, appears in the North of England—Cromwell and the 
Authorities of Ely Cathedral—Saints by Act of Parliament— 
Cromwell during the Winter of 1643-4—Siege of York_Crom¬ 
well’s Forces join the Scots’ Army—Battle of Marston Moor_ 

Cromwell’s Description of it to his Brother-in-law—Disastrous 
Consequences to the Royalists—Cromwell Besieges Ivnaresborough 
Castle—An interesting Glimpse of him—Severe Reverses of the 
Parliamentary Forces in the South, under General Waller—Essex 
surrounded by the Royalist Army—Departs for Plymouth, leaving 

Skippon to make Terms with the King—Battle of Newbury_ 

Defeat of the Royalists, who retreat followed by Cromwell_ 

Mutual Mistrust existing between Lord Manchester and Oliver 
Cromwell—The latter leaves for London—The Presbyterian 
Generals unite in order to effect Cromwell’s Removal—White- 
locke’s amusing Account of a Meeting held for this Object.—Arch¬ 
bishop Williams counsels the King to beware of Cromwell—Con- 


CONTENTS. 


XI 


elusion of the Campaign—Cromwell, in the House of Commons, 
charges the Earl of Manchester with Lukewarmness—Counter¬ 
charges of the Earl—Cromwell’s spirited Rejoinder—The Self- 
denying Ordinance passed—The Army ordered to be Re-modelled, 
and Fairfax appointed Commander-in-chief—The King’s expressed 
Readiness to listen to Terms of Peace not believed in—Parliament 
appoint Commissioners to wait upon his Majesty—Private Inter¬ 
view between the King and some of the Commissioners—The 
King consents to a Conference, which met at Uxbridge—Insin¬ 
cerity of his Majesty proved by the Royal Correspondence dis¬ 
covered after the Battle of Naseby . . . page 196 


CHAPTER IX. 

Failure of the Uxbridge Treaty and renewal of the Struggle—The 
Self-denying Ordinance suspended to enable Cromwell to join the 
Army at this juncture—Cromwell and his Troop of Ironsides 
successfully encounter the Royalists at Islip Bridge—The King 
marches towards Chester, which is deserted by the Parliamentary 
General Brereton—His Majesty appears before Leicester and 
takes the Town by Storm—Failure of the Committee of both 
Kingdoms sitting in London successfully to direct Military Opera¬ 
tions—The Fen District threatened by the Royalist Forces— 
Cromwell’s Assistance petitioned for by the Inhabitants—Further 
Leave of Absence from Parliament granted him—Meets with a 
Failure in his Attack on Farringdon House—His Successes in 
the Isle of Ely, St. Ives, and Gainsborough—The Battle of Naseby 
—Cromwell’s Letter to the Speaker—Joyful Reception of the 
News in London—Further Victories over the Royalists in the 
West—Cromwell’s successful Management of the Clubmen—Siege 
of Bristol and Rupert’s Discomfiture—Intelligence received of the 
King’s Attack and Plunder of Huntingdon—Letter of Cromwell 
to the Speaker, giving an Account of the Success at Bristol— 
Deplorable State of the City when Evacuated by Rupert and the 
Royalist Forces—Anger of the King towards his Nephew Prince 
Rupert—Termination of the First Civil War—Cromwell appears 
in Force before Winchester—His Description of the Siege of the 
Castle in a Letter to General Sir Thomas Fairfax—Striking Trait 
of Cromwell’s Rigour in punishing Plunderers—Hugh Peters, who 
Avas present at the Siege, called upon to give an Account to the 
House of Commons—Sack of Basing House—A Day of Thanks¬ 
giving ordered for the late Victories—Termination of further 
Resistance by the Royalists . . . .224 


Xll 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER X. 

England at the Close of the First Civil War—Policy of the Royalists 
—The King decides on trusting Himself with the Scots—His 
Reasons for taking this Step explained to the Parliament—His 
Majesty’s Reception—Alarm in London on receipt of this Intelli¬ 
gence—The King accompanies the Scottish Army to Newcastle— 
Cromwell returns to London—Marriage of his Daughter Bridget 
to Ireton—Cromwell resides in Drury Lane—His Letter to Mrs. 
Clayj>ole—Proposals for Peace rejected by the King—Negotiations 
between the Scots and the Parliament for the Surrender of the 
King concluded—Popular Outcry for the Disbandment of the 
Army—Their Complaints of Arrears and other Grievances neg¬ 
lected—First Instalment paid to the Scots’ Army—A Significant 
Coincidence of Dates—Religious Restraint put upon the King 
whilst with the Scots—Surrender of his Majesty to the Parlia¬ 
mentary Commissioners, and Journey to Holmby House—Review 
of the Political Chess-board at this Period—Parliamentary Neg¬ 
lect in providing for the Requirements of the Army a principal 
Cause of Hostility shown to Presbyterianism by the latter—The 
Policy of the King in seeking to bring into collision the two 
Parties—Relative Position of the English Presbyterians and the 
Army—Members of Parliament required to conform to the Solemn 
League and Covenant—Episcopalian Clergymen excluded from 
their Pulpits—Destruction of Ecclesiastical Property—Archbishop 
Usher allowed a Small Pension—Neglect of Religion, and Coer¬ 
cive Measures enforced by Parliament for its better Observance— 
The Code of Faith, called the Westminster Confession, presented 
to Parliament and adopted—Opposition in several Places to the 
Suppresion of old Observances—The Coercive Policy a Mistake — 
Difficulties in the way of judging a past Age by the Light of a 
subsequent one ..... page 258 


CHAPTER XI. 

Increasing Distrust between the Parliament and the Army—Definite 
Object of each—The Plot thickens—Fairfax removes the Army 
nearer London—Appointment of Agitators in every Regiment— 
Cromwell Acquaints Fairfax of the Ill-feeling existing in Parlia¬ 
ment against the Army—Alarm at the Approach of Fairfax— 
Cromwell and others sent as Commissioners to Head-quarters by 
the Parliament—Their unfavourable Report to the House—Ren¬ 
dezvous at Royston—The Army marches to St. Alban’s—Their 


CONTENTS. 


Xlll 

Complaints, stated in a Letter to the Lord Mnyor, signed by the 
Army Leaders—A Deputation from the Corporation waits upon 
Fairfax—The Army accuse Eleven Members of Parliament—City 
Militia and Trained Bands called out—Critical State of the con¬ 
tending Parties—The King at Holmby House—His Majesty 
surprised-an dtaken away from the Parliamentary Commissioners 
by Cornet Joyce and a Party of Soldiers—The King not averse 
to the Change—Remains with a Portion of the Army at New¬ 
market—Fairfax and Cromwell exculpated from any Share in the 
Transaction—Important Consequences of this Seizure of his Ma¬ 
jesty—The Parliament listens to Reason—Violent Proceedings of 
the London Apprentices precipitate Matters—March of the Army 
on London—Confusion in the City, and vacillating Counsel at 
Guildhall—The Army Manifesto—Arrival of Fairfax at West¬ 
minster—His Reception by the Parliament—Is invited to dine at 
Guildhall, and his Reasons for declining—The Army marches 
through London into Kent and Surrey—Head-quarters fixed at 

Putney—Cromwell subdues a Sect called 1 the Levellers’_An 

Ordinance passed in the Commons in favour of ‘ Tender Con¬ 
sciences ’—Toleration in its limited Sense—Falling off in the 
attendance of Members of Parliament—Irish Affairs, and the 
Success of Colonel Jones—The King at Oatlands and Hampton 
Court Palace—Proposals for an Understanding not seriously 
entertained by his Majesty—Embarrassing Interference of the Scots 
—The King escapes from Hampton Court—Cromwell’s Letter 
to the House—The King gives himself up to the Governor of the 
Isle of Wight—Cromwell’s Letter to Hammond . page 286 


CHAPTER XII. 

Altered Sentiments towards the King on the part of Cromwell, con¬ 
sequent on his Majesty’s Escape from Hanrpton Court—The King 
in Confinement at Carisbrook Castle—His Majesty does not yet 
realise his Position—Dictates Terms to the Parliament—Com¬ 
missioners sent to Carisbrook—Another Misunderstanding with 
the Scots, who also send Commissioners—Duplicity of the King 
in the Negotiations which ensued—A Clandestine Agreement 
with the Scots concluded—Disturbance at Newport quelled by 
Hammond—The personal Liberty of the King restricted, and his 
Attendants discharged—Recent Dangers induce to Harmony the 
Parliament and the Army—Commissioners sent to Head-quarters 
,—Amicable Arrangements entered upon—Adjutant Allen’s Ac¬ 
count of the Interview—Its Results—Cromwell’s Speech in the 


XIV 


CONTENTS. 


House—Gloomy Court at Carisbrook on learning the Issue of the 
Conference—Severity shown to the King’s Adherents at the Isle 
of Wight—More Restrictions and Privations to the royal Prisoner 
—Army Grievances still suffered to continue—The Soldiers resort 
to Violence in some Places—Scarcity of Money in the Parliament 
Exchequer—Fines on Delinquents—Cromwell in the Spring of 
1648 residing in Drury Lane—Richard Cromwell—Oliver’s Letter 
to Norton in reference to his Son’s Marriage—Marriage Settle¬ 
ments—Letter to General Fairfax—Parliament settles a Pension on 
Cromwell—He relinquishes it in favour of Ireland . page 380 


CHAPTER XIII. 

The Spring of 1648 and Gloomy Prospects of the Country—State of 
the Contending Parties—The Scots prepare for War—Their 
Ultimatum to the English Parliament—Rising of the Cavaliers— 
The Committee of Danger raise an Army to oppose the Scots and 
Royalists—Cromwell sent to oppose Colonel Poyer in Wales— 
The Siege of Pembroke Castle—Cromwell’s Letters to the Speaker 
and to General Fairfax—Threatened Disturbances in London— 
Inactivity of Fairfax—Rising in Surrey—Further Addresses to 
the King forbidden by the Parliament—Presbyterian Designs— 
The Six Members restored—Revolt of the Fleet—Insurrection in 
Kent—Serious Difficulties the Parliament had to encounter— 
Fairfax roused at length into Action—Rendezvous of the Army on 
Hounslow Heath—Success of the General in Kent and Surrey— 
Approach of the Scots’Army and Manifesto of the Duke of Hamilton 
—Lambert’s spirited Reply—Interferences of the Scots, and 
unfortunate Consequences to his Majesty—Dilatory Proceedings 
of the Scots’ General—Sir James Turner’s Description of the 
March of the Scots towards Lancashire—English Forces under 
Cromwell leave Wales for the North—Ill-provisioned and desti¬ 
tute State of the Troops—Junction effected with Lambert in the 
Neighbourhood of Doncaster—The Scots’ Army reaches Preston 
—Cromwell falls suddenly on Langdale’s Troops—The Battle of 
Preston—Sir James Turner’s Account of the Engagement— 
Cromwell’s Narrative to the Speaker—Rejoicings in London— 
A Day of Thanksgiving ordered—Loss of Men in the two Armies 
—The Scots Retreat—The Duke of Hamilton gives himself up a 
Prisoner at Uttoxeter—Taken to Warwick Castle—Court-Martial 
held the Year following; is sentenced to death, and executed— 
Cromwell proceeds North in pursuit of Munroe and the Scots— 
His urgent Request for Money to the Committee at Derby House 



CONTENTS. 


XV 


—Interesting Letter from Cromwell to Oliver St. John—Crom¬ 
well’s successful Intercession on behalf of his kinsman at Ramsey 
—Pleads with General Fairfax for the Widow of Colonel Cowell 
—Colchester surrenders—Execution of the principal delinquent 
Defenders—Distress of the Inhabitants during the Siege—Hasty 
Retreat of Prince Rupert to Holland with the revolted Ships— 
Junction of the two Armies under Cromwell and Lambert at 
Durham—Cromwell’s Proclamation to the Scottish Nation—His 
Letters to the Committee of Estates sitting at Edinburgh, and the 
Earl of Loudon, Chancellor of Scotland—Divisions among the 
Scots—Monroe’s Forces opposed by several Regiments under 
General Lesley and the Earl of Leven—Cromwell’s Letter to the 
Speaker—Arrives in Edinburgh—Sumptuous Entertainment — 
Success in Scotland and Departure for the South—Another Letter 
to the Speaker—Cromwell at Knottingley—His Interesting Letter 
to Hammond, the Governor of the Isle of Wight . page 352 

CHAPTER XIV. 

Last Treaty with the King—Its Failure—Parliament disposed to 
Temporize with the Royalists—Vigilant Watchfulness of Crom¬ 
well’s Friends—Composition of Delinquents’ Estates. Cromwell’s 
Firmness in Colonel Owen’s Case—Army Petition against the 
Newport Treaty—Chief Features of the Treaty—Unyielding 
Character of the Prelates and Clergy who surround the Monarch 
—Sunday Observances at Court—The Breach widens between 
Parliament and the Army—The Provoking Causes as stated by 
Fairfax—Army Remonstrances—A New Cry raised of ‘ Justice 
against the Chief Delinquent! ’—Approach of the Final Struggle 
for Supremacy—Vote of the House, and Response of the Army— 
Head-Quarters Removed from St. Alban’s to Windsor—The Last 
Week in November and the State of Parties—Secret Expedition 
Organised to Seize the King—Council of War—Colonel Ewer 
Dispatched with Troops to Carisbrook Castle—The King removed 
by Ewer to Hurst Castle—Hammond Superseded—Anger of the 
House of Commons, and its Refusal to Consider the Army Re¬ 
monstrance—The Army Marches on London—Publish their De¬ 
claration—Alarm of the Citizens—Soldiers Quartered at White¬ 
hall_Another great Debate in the House—Pride’s Purge—Terror 

among the Corporation—40,000/. demanded by the General— 
Agreed to by the Common Council—Cromwell appears in Parlia¬ 
ment and Receives Vote of Thanks—Release of the Presbyterian 

Members_The Army Leaders Paramount—Speedy proceedings 

taken against the King—Trial and Execution . . 403 







































- 








































































. • 




• ' 







LIFE 


OF 

OLIVER CROMWELL. 

-K>*~— 


CHAPTER I. 

The Wars of the Roses—The Putney Blacksmith and his Two Children 
—The Marriage of the Daughter—Thomas Cromwell travels Abroad 
—Engaged as Secretary to Cardinal Wolsey—Fall of Wolsey—Crom¬ 
well becomes Secretary to Cranmer—The Suppression of Monastic 
Institutions—The Monks of Old—Their Discoveries and Inventions— 
Retributive Parallels in the History of the Tudors—The Stuarts and 
the Cromwells—The Pedigree of the Morgan - ap-"Willi ams Family— 
Richard Williams’s (alias Cromwell) Letter to his Uncle, Thomas 
Lord Cromwell—Great Wealth of Sir Richard Cromwell—Dissipated 
by his Son Henry—Robert Cromwell, Grandson of Sir Henry, and 
Father of Oliver the Protector, settles in Huntingdon—The State of 
the Church of England shortly after the Reformation—The Vestiarian 
Controversy—Irregularities in the Mode of Celebrating Divine Worship 
—The Oath of Supremacy Objected to and Enforced—Archbishop 
Parker and Queen Elizabeth drive Coverdale out of the Pale of the 
Church—Specimen of a Full-Robed Canonical—Grindall’s Alarm at 
Parker’s Violent Proceedings—Censors and Spies introduced. 

Somewhat towards the close of the fifteenth century 
—when the long Wars of the Roses, which had lasted 
eighty years, were drawing to a termination, conse¬ 
quent on the great victory at Bos worth Field, gained 
by Henry VII. over the tyrant Richard—there was 
living in the quiet village of Putney, not far from 
London, a man who carried on the trade of black¬ 
smith, by name Cromwell. 

& b 


CHAP. 

I. 


1485-1603 





2 


CHAP. 

I. 


1485-1603 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 

Iii subsequent times a son and daughter of this 
otherwise unknown individual lived to become some¬ 
what noticeable in their day and generation. He 
must have been, let us suppose, in well-to-do circum¬ 
stances, this village blacksmith. Probably, however, 
at the period when this history begins, he had for¬ 
saken the old forge to carry on the business of 
brewer in the same village. 

If parish registers had at that time been in exist¬ 
ence, the exact date when this brewer’s daughter 
married one Morgan ap Williams, a gentleman of 
ancient Welsh descent, could easily have been ascer¬ 
tained. Certain chronological facts, however, com¬ 
bine to warrant the conclusion, that this event must 
have taken place some time during the latter years 
of Henry VII.’s reign. Meanwhile, the brother, 
Thomas Cromwell, was quietly working his way to 
fame, and was occupied in laying the foundation of 
that success which ultimately led to his brief but peril¬ 
ous exaltation. In order to acquire a knowledge of 
continental languages, he pursued his studies abroad, 
and was thus soon enabled, by the facility he pos¬ 
sessed, together with his business habits, to obtain a 
situation of confidence and trust in a large manu¬ 
facturing establishment at Antwerp. 

Returning to England after a few years’ absence, 
his next engagement must have been one more con¬ 
genial to his taste, for in the year 1510 he obtained 
an appointment of secretary and interpreter to some 
citizens of Boston in Lincolnshire who were going to 
Rome. It was during this visit that Cromwell suc¬ 
ceeded in gaining the extensive insight of the crafty 



3 


i 


THOMAS LOUD CROMWELL. 

policy of the Papacy, and of the Roman civil law, 
which became of so much service to him on his 
return; for, shortly after the termination of his en¬ 
gagement with the Boston citizens, he was sent for 
by Cardinal Wolsey, who had been privately informed 
that there was in Cromwell the man who above all 
others could give him exactly the information he re¬ 
quired. The interview was brief but satisfactory, 
and at its termination Cromwell became secretary to 
the Cardinal. Thus was gained the first round of 
the ambitious ladder the future Chancellor was so 
anxious to compass, and which his great talents, no 
less than his lofty aspirations, had contributed to 
accomplish. 

After the fall of Wolsey, Cromwell passed into the 
service of his successor. As secretary to Cranmer, 
his duties frequently brought him into the pre¬ 
sence of the King, and it was during this engage¬ 
ment that his great abilities attracted the notice 
of his Majesty, whose servant and chancellor he 
shortly afterwards became. At what period he 
changed his religion and adopted the Protestant 
faith, history does not tell us; most probably it took 
place during his visit to, or shortly after his return 
from Rome. As the early friend of the Reformation, 
we find him among the first who took an active part 
in that great struggle, and during his brief career he 
was to the last regarded as its chief champion and de¬ 
fender. 

Cromwell’s greatest achievement, as is well known, 
was the suppression of monastic institutions through¬ 
out the land. The period of their rule in these 

B 2 


CHAP. 



1485-1603 


4 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, realms it has been customary to stigmatise as the 
'—r—' dark ages; but let us at the same time be just to 
H85-1603 g rea £ pioneers of modern civilisation. The 

monk and the knight were a necessary phase of a 
state of society existing in that day, ridiculous and 
mischievous as would be their influential presence at 
the present period. The broad acres of Old England 
are indebted, and bear silent testimony to this day, to 
the picturesque skill and industry of its former 
monastic possessors. To them we owe the charming 
subdivision of the land into fields and meadows, the 
shady lanes studded by elm. and oak; the old-fashioned 
grassy lawns soft as moss; the well-stocked mill- 
streams and fish-ponds; those high-walled gardens 
covered with fruit trees. Nor can we look abroad on 
the landscape, dotted over as it is with picturesque 
old gabled houses, spacious barns, village spires and 
steeples, without failing to recognise that these men 
in their day and generation have not lived in vain. 
Let us also remember that to them we owe the first 
introduction of silk into Europe. Two monks who 
were travelling in the East, secreted in a cane a 
quantity of the eggs of an Oriental insect, and brought 
them to Constantinople, about the year 552, having 
made the discovery, long kept a secret by the natives, 
of the value of the silkworm—all these, and more if 
necessary, may be adduced to prove our indebtedness 
to the monks of olden time. 

Of all educational difficulties, the last lesson for 
nations to learn has ever been the lesson of tolera¬ 
tion : it is still a question whether this country, with 
all its vaunted advantages, has not yet to learn 




THOMAS LORD CROMWELL. 


5 


something in this way. When we therefore con¬ 
demn those who, three or four centuries ago, 
rewarded Columbus and Galileo for their discoveries 
with chains, let us remember that scarcely half a 
century has elapsed since it was sneeringly said that 
the people of Woolwich would as soon suffer them¬ 
selves to be fired off upon one of Congreve’s rockets, 
as trust themselves to the mercy of a locomotive 
engine going eighteen or twenty miles an hour . 1 

Among the many instances history furnishes of 
what may not inappropriately be called retributive 
parallels, is that peculiar one in reference to the 
families of the Tudors, the Stuarts, and the Crom¬ 
wells. It is remarkable that the two Cromwells—those 
two, at least, who figure to any purpose in the world’s 
history—the first and the last, Thomas and Oliver, 
separated by a brief period of sixty years between 
the death of the one and the birth of the other—had 
each a sanguinary connection with the reigning 
monarch on the throne of these realms. 

It is not in vain the Divine decree has ordained, 
that 4 whoso sheddeth man’s blood, by man shall his 
blood be shed;’ for the sins of the father are visited 
upon the children even now, to the third and fourth 
generation . 2 Those who care to look into these 

1 Quarterly Review for 1825. 

2 1 The places are very numerous in the Old Testament which warrant 
the idea that the guilt of a nation is proceeded with as the guilt of an 
individual is—in that there is a reckoning for the past with a nation 
even as there is with the individual; that this vengeance comprehends 
the earlier as well as the latter guilt, even though the former may have 
been incurred at the distance backward of many generations. However 
mysterious such a proceeding is to us, it falls in with many analogies of 
history and experience—is of a piece with original sin; and even the 
New Testament can be quoted in support of it. The Saviour speaks of 


CHAP. 

I. 


1485-1603 



6 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

I. 

1485-1603 


matters, may find fulfilments as literal and startling 
as that which we are now going to mention. 

The blood of Thomas Cromwell, the victim of 
Henry VIII., so unrighteously shed on Tower Hill 
in the year 1540, was avenged on the person of 
Henry’s descendant three generations later. One 
hundred and nine years were suffered to elapse, but 
then came the catastrophe at Whitehall, and 
Charles I. of England was led to the scaffold. 
Not the least noteworthy fact is it, that the man who 
beyond all others most conduced to this latter 
tragedy was Oliver Cromwell,, the nephew, three 
generations later, of the murdered Lord Chancellor. 

It may further be remarked that these two Crom¬ 
wells were engaged in accomplishing the same object: 
to each the same task was appointed, that of abolish¬ 
ing the Roman Catholic religion in this country. 
Eradicated but partially out of the Church, it lingered 
a century or so longer, and then dragged down along 
with it both Church and State, monarchy and con¬ 
stitution. The chief agents employed in both eras 
were the two Cromwells. 

Morgan ap Williams, who married the Putney 

filling up the measure of the iniquities of their fathers, and of the sins of 
their ancestors being visited.’— Dr. Chalmers. 

It may occur doubtless to some minds that this view of the Divine 
enactments in reference to the government of the world is in contradic¬ 
tion to other passages in Scripture, as in Ezekiel for instance, where 
the Prophet is directed to answer a proverb used by the Israelites, viz., 
‘The fathers have eaten sour grapes, and the children’s teeth are 
set on edge.’ "Whereas the inspired reply to this is clearly corroborative 
and not antagonistic to the Mosaic commandment in Genesis ix. 6, and 
Exodus xx. 5, ‘Behold, all souls are mine : as the soul of the father, so 
also the soul of the son is mine : the soul that sinneth it shall die. . . But 
if a man be just, and do that which is lawful and right, . . . he shall 
surely live, saith the Lord God.’ (Ezekiel xviii. 2, 4, 5, 9.) 


THOMAS LORD CROMWELL. 


7 


blacksmith’s daughter, as before mentioned, belonged 
to an ancient Welsh family settled in the neighbour¬ 
hood of Cardiff. An ancestor of Morgan’s, one 
Ywan ap Williams, had an estate of 300/. a-year in 
the county of Cardigan, a large sum in those days. 
It is, however, the fortunes of the descendants, 
and not of the ancestors, that concern us. How and 
when the Welsh Williams family got transplanted 
into the Fen district of England, is not known; most 
probably it occurred in the next generation, for the 
son of Morgan, Cromwell’s sister’s child, Richard, 
married (in 1518) a wealthy lady of the neighbour¬ 
hood of Ely, where her father, Sir Thomas Murfyn, 
at that time Lord Mayor of London, had large 
possessions. 

The uncle was greatly attached to his nephew, and 
lost no opportunity of forwarding his interests. 
Cromwell, besides, had it now in his power; he was in 
high favour at court; introduced Richard to the King, 
who made him a knight, and by royal command the 
family name of Williams was changed to that of 
Cromwell. 

Some doubts, it may here be mentioned, exist as to 
the right of Richard Williams to claim kindred with 
the Williams of Glamorganshire or Cardiganshire; 
but of his relationship to the Lord Cromwell there 
can be no question, for the following letter to Crom¬ 
well, in which he styles hiitfself, 4 Your Lordship’s 
most bounden Nephew,’ settles this interesting 
point:— 

c To my Lord Cromwell, —I have me most humbly 
commended unto your Lordship. I rode on Sunday 


CHAP. 

I. 


1485-1603 



8 


CHAP. 

I. 


1485-1603 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 

to Cambridge to my bed, and the next morning was 
up betimes, purposing to have found at Ely Mr. 
Pollard and Mr. Williams. But they were departed 
before my coming: and they being at dinner at 
Somersham with the Bishop of Ely, I overtook them. 
At which time I opened your pleasure unto them in 
everything. Your Lordship, I think, shall shortly 
perceive the Prior of Ely to be of a forward sort, 
by evident tokens, as at our coming home shall be 
at large related to you. 

4 At the writing hereof we have done nothing at 
Bamsey; saving that one night I communed with 
the Abbot, whom I found conformable to everything, 
as shall at this time be put in act. 1 And then, as 
your Lordship’s will is, as soon as we have done at 
Bamsey, we go to Peterborough, and from thence to 
my house, and so home. The which I trust shall be, 
at the farthest, on this day come seven days. 

4 That the Blessed Trinity preserve your lordship’s 
health. 

4 Your lordship’s most bounden Nephew, 

4 Bichard Cromwell.’ 

‘ From Ramsey on Tuesday, in tlie morning.’ 


Thomas Lord Cromwell was at that time busily 
occupied in suppressing monasteries, in which em¬ 
ployment, as this letter also shows, the nephew was 
engaged. The Cromwells are supposed to have 
come originally from Cromwell in Nottinghamshire, 
not far from the Fen neighbourhood. 

It would appear that the deadly hatred which the 


1 Agreed to. 



THOMAS LORD CROMWELL. 


9 


King had exhibited towards the uncle was not continued ch ap. 

i- • 

to the person of the nephew; for the monarch, as if to 
mark the appeasement of his wrath, showered down 
upon the latter immense wealth, in the form of special 
grants of the confiscated property belonging to the 
monasteries. The rich abbey-lands of Hinchinbrook, 
Yarmouth, and Ramsey, in the Fen district, thus 
came into his possession. So great was the wealth 
he thus acquired, that he became known and distin¬ 
guished as the Golden Knight in all the country round. 

He was likewise chosen to fill the otfice of sheriff for 
the county of Huntingdon, in the year 1541, and 
the year following was returned to Parliament for the 
same county. The greater part of Sir Richard’s vast 
wealth was, however, dissipated away in the next 
generation by his son and successor, Sir Henry 
Cromwell, whose profuse and extravagant hospitality 
soon reduced the Golden Knight’s estates to a narrow 
compass. At the death of Sir Henry, in 1603, his 
eldest son (Oliver) inherited what remained of the 
paternal estate at Hinchinbrook and elsewhere. This 
was the grandfather of the subject of this memoir, 

Oliver Cromwell the Protector. Oliver’s father was 
the second son, Robert, who settled in the town of 
Huntingdon as a farmer, to which the business of the 
brewery was subsequently added by the same indi¬ 
vidual. 

Meanwhile, eventful changes in both Church and 
State, at the period we have now arrived at, were taking 
place. Queen Mary, of bloody memory, had been dead 
five years. Parker, the new Protestant primate, had 
supplanted, under Elizabeth, the Cardinal Archbishop 



10 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap. Pole. The controversy begun thirteen years before 
— r ~—• by Bishop Hooper, concerning the priestly vestments, 
H 80-1603 illustrious Bishop maintained were a relic 

of the old Popish superstition—those same vestments 
which at present are the subject of a similar contro¬ 
versy—had now become a vital one. The Queen, as 
also the new Primate, were strongly in favour of re¬ 
taining the vestments; Hooper and the early Puri¬ 
tans as strenuous for their abolition. 

To settle the dispute, the Queen decided on enforcing 
obedience to the canonical law. The Uniformity Act, 
drawn up by Cranmer and others, had been re-enacted 
the year following the Queen’s accession; but the 
penalties for non-obedience, which had hitherto been 
in abeyance, were now to be enforced. 4 That fatal 
measure,’ observes Neil, in his 4 History of the Puri¬ 
tans,’ 4 the rigorous pressure of which was the occasion 
of all the mischiefs that befell the Church for above 
eighty years,’—this Act provided that the order of 
Divine worship, as drawn up by Cranmer, should for 
the future be the only one in use throughout the 
kingdom, in every parish church; the penalties for 
non-compliance being tine and imprisonment. The 
evils it was intended to correct were no doubt serious 
ones so far as they affected the external discipline of 
the clergy. The doctrines supposed to be symbolised 
by the vestments worn, were not as yet involved in 
the consideration, nor was it until a century later, 
that an Act passed requiring uniformity in both dis¬ 
cipline and doctrine. It was the enforcement of this 
later Act, in 1662, which caused upwards of 2,000 
clergymen to quit the Established Church. 




VESTIARIAN CONTROVERSY 

The diversities in the mode of celebrating Divine 
worship, which up to this time had existed among 
the clergy, may be gathered from a document laid 
before the Queen by the Archbishop, wherein he 
informs her Majesty that ‘ some clergymen perform 
service in the chancel, some in the body of the church, 
some in a seat, some in a pulpit with their faces to 
the people; some keep to the book, some intermix 
psalms with metre; some say with a surplice, and some 
without one. In some places the communion-table 
stands in the body of the church; in some places it 
stands altar-wise; in others in the middle of the 
chancel, placed north and south. Some administer the 
communion with surplice and cap, some with surplice 
alone, others with none; some with unleavened 
bread, and some with leavened. Some receive kneel¬ 
ing, others standing, some sitting. Some baptise 
in a font, some in a basin; some sign with the sign of 
the cross; others sign not. Some minister in a sur¬ 
plice, others without; some with a square cap, some 
with a round cap, some with a button cap, some with 
a hat.’ 

These were the evils in the Church which Parker 
sought by violent enactments to correct, and the 
penalties enforced fell equally on all, whether Puritan 
ministers, priests, or bishops. The bishops, most of 
whom had been appointed to their sees in the reign 
of Queen Mary, were required to take an oath of 
supremacy to Queen Elizabeth: the whole Bench, with 
one exception, refused compliance. Coverdale alone 
took the oath of allegiance. He had been the only 
willing .to assist at the consecration of Parker. 



11 


CHAP. 

I. 


1485-1603 



12 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap. As a consequence of this refusal to recognise the 

■-r"—- Queen’s supremacy, they were all deprived of their 

1485-1603 Bonner, White, and Watson, who had 

made themselves especially obnoxious to the people 
for their persecuting zeal in the last reign, were 
thrown into prison. 

Some few were permitted to remain in England on 
parole; the rest fled abroad. As the oath, of course, 
extended to all the beneficed clergy, the refusals were 
so numerous, that in some districts scarcely a minister 
remained qualified to perform divine service. In the 
year 1563 there were but three preachers left at the 
University of Oxford, and in all other places it was 
computed that a fourth part of the clergy were under 
suspension ; and of those who remained it was said 
not one in six was qualified to compose a sermon. 

Truly the Church of England, at this period, may 
be said to have been in a sad condition! Popery 
was being openly professed by the great majority of 
her prelates, as also by many of the parochial clergy; 
a large and important section refusing to use the 
vestments were equally disqualified; some there were 
who carried opposition a step farther, and contended 
for greater purity of doctrine. Coverdale, bishop of 
Exeter, was among the latter, and his bishopric, of 
which he had been deprived in the reign of Mary, had 
not consequently been restored to him on the acces¬ 
sion of Queen Elizabeth. He had struggled for years 
in poverty and neglect, when at last, through the 
kindness of Grindall, bishop of London, he was pre¬ 
sented to the small living of St. Magnus, near London 
Bridge; but the Act of Uniformity, which had 


THE ACT OF UNIFORMITY. 


13 


now passed, drove him from his parish after a brief chap. 

occupation of two years. During his ministry he had _ 

officiated without wearing the priestly vestments; 1485 * 1603 
that, however, was now no longer practicable, and his 
resignation became a matter of course. Vast num¬ 
bers used to flock to hear old Father Coverdale, as he 
was affectionately called. A more fatal step in the 
interests of the Establishment than that taken by the 
Queen and Parker, which drove such men as Coverdale 
from the pale, could hardly have been devised. The 
new bishops, it is true, were actively zealous in urging 
among their clergy conformity and obedience ; but a 
large majority of conscientious hard-working parish 
ministers refused, for the most part, to adopt the 
obnoxious apparel, the symbol, as they considered, of 
an idolatrous Church. 

By the Act of Uniformity, whole districts were left 
spiritually destitute. In some parishes it was impos¬ 
sible to find a clergyman to perform the burial 
service, or that of baptism ; and many of the churches, 
as a matter of course, had to be closed. All the old 
licences to preach had been called in, and new ones 
required to be taken out in conformity with the 
Act. Those among the London clergy who still 
refused compliance, yet persisted in holding their 
livings, were cited by Parker, in the year 1565, to 
appear before him. On being introduced into the 
council room, they discovered a clergyman, the Eev. 

Thomas Cole, dressed in full canonicals, who was 
presented to them as a model specimen of their future 
clerical costume. 

The Bishop’s chancellor then spoke as follows: ‘ My 



14 


CHAP. 



1485-1603 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 

masters, and ye ministers of London, the council’s 
pleasure is that ye strictly keep the unity of apparel 
like this man who stands here canonically habited 
with a square cap, a scholar’s gown, priestlike, a tippet, 
and in the church a linen surplice: ye that will sub¬ 
scribe, write volo ; those that will not subscribe, 
write nolo .’ Out of a hundred clergymen in the 
diocese,sixty-one subscribed; the rest were suspended. 

The Queen’s opposition and dislike to the Puritan 
portion of her clergy was so violent, that it was with 
extreme difficulty her consent could be obtained for 
the removal of the images which, up to this time, 
had been permitted to remain in the churches. She 
was equally averse to marriage among the clergy at 
this period. Such being the state of religion in the 
early days of Elizabeth, it is no matter of surprise if, 
as the Church historians of the period inform us, 
4 The Reformation went heavily on,’ or that the laity, 
who for the most part abhorred the priestly habits, 
showed their dislike by staying outside during the 
reading of the service, and entered the sacred edifice 
only in time to hear the sermon. Bishop Grindall, 
alarmed at the consequences which threatened the 
Church of England by these violent proceedings, 
relented somewhat, we are told; but Parker continued 
his headlong course, nor stayed his hands until all 
the London clergy had sworn obedience to the 
4 Letters Patent of the Privy Council; the Queen’s 
injunction ; articles and mandates of the archdeacons, 
chancellor, and receivers.’ Censors and spies were 
instituted in every parish to see them lawfully 
obeyed—with what results history fails not to teach, 


THE ACT OF UNIFORMITY. 


15 


for a year or two later, when the great body of the 
nonconforming clergy published their case to the 
world, they at the same time terminated their con¬ 
nection by separating from the Church as by law 
established. Thus the breach, which at first might 
easily have been healed, grew by degrees greater and 
greater, ending at last in civil war, bloodshed, and 
revolution. 


CHAP. 

i. 

-- 1 - 

1485-1603 



16 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAPTER II. 

Change observed towards the Close of the Sixteenth Century in the People 
of England—Desecration of the Sabbath—The Puritans oppose the 
Growing Immorality—Await in Hope of a Better State of Things on the 
Accession of James I.—Oliver Cromwell born in the Town of Hunt¬ 
ingdon—Income and Occupation of his Father, Bobert Cromwell— 
Character of Oliver’s Mother—His Early Years—King James at 
Hinchinbrook—Oliver’s School Days—Dr. Beard and the Huntingdon 
Free Grammar School—The Family of Robert and Elizabeth Cromwell 
—Review of the Principal Events in Church and State at this Period 
—Elizabeth and her Parliament—Suspension of the Puritan Divines— 
Queen Elizabeth and her Dislike to Sermons—Accession of James I. 
—His Antecedents—Puritan Expectations — His Leanings towards 
the High Church Party—The Milleniary Petition rejected—The 
Hampton Court Conference—Dr. Reynolds, and the King’s Reply to 
him—The Gunpowder Plot—The King necessitated to call another 
Parliament—The Royal Game of Chess—The Act of Uniformity— 
Creation and Sale of Titles of Dignity—Scotch Avidity in Money Mat¬ 
ters made known to the Parliament—Domestic Troubles of the King— 
Unfortunate Marriage of the Princess Elizabeth—Death of the Prince 
of Wales—Lord Chief Justice Coke and Sir Walter Raleigh—The 
Disgrace of the Somersets—A New Favourite found in George Villiers 
—Sir Frances Bacon Lord Keeper—Cromwell enters Sussex College, 
Cambridge—His Contemporaries in the World of Science and Dis¬ 
covery—The State of England in the Reign of James I.—Prices of 
Provisions, Labour, &c.—Customs and Habits—Food and Drinks of the 
Population—National Costumes—Mining Operations—Population of 
England at Different Periods—Rational Revenue and Expenditure— 
Death of Mr. Robert Cromwell—Thoughtless Extravagance of Oliver 
—Studies at one of the Inns of Court—Heath’s Picture of him at 
Huntingdon. 

chap. Towards the close of the sixteenth century, a change 
'——' might have been observed creeping over the minds of 
H85-1603 |.p e p e0 p} e 0 f England, from the court of Queen 

Elizabeth, down to the lowest ranks in the social 
scale. The nation was becoming daily less and less 


DESECRATION OF THE SABBATH. 


17 


devout. The Court set the example of extravagance 
in dress and equipage; jousts, tournaments and 
stage-plays became fashionable amusements. The 
sabbath, which from the time of the Reformation had 
been strictly observed, no longer continued so. Oaths 
and profane swearing were prevalent among all 
classes; the Queen herself, it is said, not unfrequently 
indulging in this vice. 

The Fourth Commandment, read in the forenoon 
service of every returning Sunday, was violated in 
the after-part of the day, Avhich was devoted to the 
amusements of fencing, shooting, and bowling, to 
May-games and morris-dances; the clergyman himself 
being often a spectator, if not a sharer in the 
sports. 

The Puritans, whose blameless lives had hitherto 
not presented any marked contrast from the surround¬ 
ing population, began now to appear singular and 
sectarian in their opposition to the daily increasing 
immorality. 

The controversy about vestiarian matters had long 
ceased to agitate, and on all other matters in dispute 
they had retired from the contest, contenting them¬ 
selves with quietly awaiting the change which it was 
hoped would be ushered in on the accession of 
James I.—a personage brought up in the strict prin¬ 
ciples of their own religion, and to whom they looked 
for the discouragement and discontinuance of vice, 
priestcraft, and superstition. Shortly, however, before 
this event, preceding it by some four years, there 
appeared on the world’s stage, in the last year of the 
sixteenth century, one whose influence was destined 

c 


CHAP. 

II. 

1485-1603 


18 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

II. 

1485-1603 


far to outweigh that of the monarch for whom the 
Puritans so quietly watched for and awaited. 

Oliver Cromwell was born on April 25, 1599 (old 
style), in the small town of Huntingdon, fifty-nine 
miles north of Shoreditch Church ; that number, be it 
remembered, singularly enough coinciding with the 
number of years of Oliver Cromwell’s life. Three 
generations of the Cromwells had passed away since 
the fatal event on Tower Hill. Queen Elizabeth, who 
was in her seventh year when that happened, lived to 
see the advent of Thomas Lord Cromwell’s great- 
nephew Oliver. 

In former days, the town of Huntingdon was 
celebrated for its large population, had numerous 
churches and religious houses. There were, according 
to Leland, fifteen churches within its area; but the 
ravages of the Great Plague reduced it to comparative 
insignificance. 

The father of Oliver, Robert Cromwell, must have 
been in prosperous circumstances, for he farmed his 
own lands, besides being a justice of the peace. His 
patrimony has been variously estimated at about 300/. 
per annum, no mean sum in those days; yet, as the 
growing wants of a large and increasing family 
necessitated an increase in his income, he added the 
business of a brewer to that of his other occupations. 

Sir Edward Coke, the celebrated Lord Chief Jus¬ 
tice, when asked one day if he knew Oliver Cromwell, 
replied, 4 Yes, and his father before him, when he kept 
his brewhouse in Huntingdon.’ Oliver’s mother was 
Elizabeth, the daughter of William Stuart of Elv. 
Noble, in his c Life of Cromwell,’ claims for this lady 


CHARACTER OF OLIVER’S MOTHER 


19 


an alliance by birth with the royal House of Stuart, chap. 
4 Her parents,’ he says, 4 were people of great worth, >— 
and not inclined to disaffection; they lived on a small 
fortune with decency, and maintained a large family 
by their frugality.’ That she possessed great energy of 
character, much patient persevering industry, and was 
of a gentle yet firm disposition, all testimony agrees. 

4 A woman,’ says a distinguished modern writer, 4 with 
the glorious faculty of self-help when other assistance 
failed her; and when left, by the death of her 
husband, with a family of six children to provide for, 
she was, by the labour of her own hands, enabled to 
give dowries to five daughters, sufficient to marry 
them into families as honourable but more wealthy 
than their own, and whose only care, in the midst of 
all her subsequent splendour, was for the safety of 
her beloved son in his dangerous eminence, and whose 
only wish on her deathbed was for a simple burial in 
some quiet country churchyard.’ 1 Mrs. Cromwell car¬ 
ried on the brewery some years after her husband’s 
death, nor thought it any disgrace or disparagement 
thus to sustain the family estate, whatever opinion to 
the contrary might have been entertained by her aristo¬ 
cratic kinsmen, at the neighbouring mansion of 
Hinchinbrook. 

Of Oliver’s early days but scanty information 
remains, and that too of a suspicious character. His 
earliest biographer, Heath, whose work appeared four 
years after Cromwell’s death, and whose prejudices 
against the Protector are displayed in almost every 
page, informs us that from his infancy, Oliver was 

1 Forster’s Lives of the Statesmen of the Commonwealth. 

c 2 



20 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, ‘cross and peevish ’; that he never, even at that early 
—— age, ‘ spoke what he thought, nor believed what he 
heard.’ 

There is an anecdote of Oliver’s infant days told by 
Mark Noble, which, if worthy of credence, would 
properly belong to this early period of his history. 
It appears that Sir Henry Cromwell, wishing to see 
his little grandson, sent for him to Hinchinbrook; and 
one day, whilst the infant was sleeping in his cradle, a 
monkey, kept to amuse the visitors, 4 crept into the 
nursery, and lifting the baby out of the crib, ran 
away with him on to the leads of the house, to the 
great consternation of the servants, who saw the 
monkey seated on the roof. Alarmed at the danger 
Oliver was in, the family, who were instantly made 
aware of the affair, had feather beds brought out to 
catch him in the event of the monkey dropping him; 
but the sagacious animal brought him down in safety.’ 

Early in this year, old Sir Henry died, and was 
succeeded by his eldest son Oliver—he who gave the 
sumptuous entertainment to King James a few 
months later, the like of which it was said had never 
been offered before by a private subject. This 
occurred during the King’s journey from Scotland to 
take possession of the English throne—‘hunting all 
the way,’ says an old chronicler. Sir Oliver (for he 
was knighted by the King) gave his Majesty horses 
and hounds, in addition to the costly entertainment, 
thereby involving an expenditure which somewhat 
crippled the resources of the Golden Knight for all 
time to come. 

They have a tradition at Huntingdon, says Noble, 



Oliver’s school-days. 


2 L 


that on this occasion the young Duke of York, after¬ 
wards Charles L, accompanied his father; and 
in order to divert the Prince, Sir Oliver sent for his 
little nephew and namesake to play with his Royal 
Highness; the two children, however, had not been 
long together before they quarrelled, and Oliver, to 
the consternation of the attendants, 4 made the royal 
blood to flow in copious streams from the Prince’s 
nose.’ This circumstance, if true, must have happened 
when Oliver was but four years of age, whilst the 
Prince had not yet completed his third year. 

The royal journey occupied a month on the road, 
during which the King was profuse in the distribution 
of empty titles among those who so sumptuously 
entertained him en route. Upwards of two hundred 
gentlemen are said to have been knighted during, 
this journey. 

Oliver’s school-days commenced at the Huntingdon 
Free Grammar School, at that time under the sway 
of Dr. Beard. Brief and almost worthless are the few 
notices we have of him at this most interesting period; 
such as they are, they lead to the conclusion that 
there was more of the schoolboy than the scholar in 
him. With plenty of talent, he as yet lacked that 
without which talent is but of little avail—diligence 
and application. ‘ Sometimes,’ says Heath, ‘he would 
study hard for a week or two, and then play truant, 
rob the orchards of the farmers, damage their trees, 
break down their hedges, enter their enclosures, and 
finally behave himself so outrageously, that frequent 
complaints to his father were the consequence, which 
usually ended in his being soundly thrashed by the 


CHAP. 

ii. 

1603 



22 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, enraged parent.’ He is said to have displayed much 

—^—' talent of another kind, as a performer of school-plays: 

1603 

these generally took place just before the holidays. In 
one, called the 4 Five Senses,’ he is said to have been 
most successful in the character of c Tacitus, the Sense 
of Feeling’—a part he was no doubt well-qualified to 
illustrate, from the frequent rehearsals he endured 
from the cane in the hands of Dr. Beard and his 
father. He was heartily flogged on another occasion, 
says Noble, by Dr. Beard, at the request of his father, 
for daring to dream one night that he saw a gigantic 
figure which came and opened the curtains of his bed, 
and told him that he should be the greatest person in 
the kingdom. 

Until we hear of Oliver at Sidney Sussex College, 
Cambridge, in 1616, scarcely a trace exists of the 
Huntingdon family circle, or of any of its members, 
during this long interval. Bobert and Elizabeth 
Cromwell had in all ten children; three died early, 
leaving Oliver the only surviving son, with two sisters 
older and four younger than himself. Robert Crom¬ 
well, the father of Oliver, must have been a person of 
considerable standing and position, for he was made 
a justice of the peace, and lived to represent his 
native borough in Parliament. 

In our endeavour to search out the causes which 
have led to the great changes, social, political, and 
religious, that subsequently took place in this country, 
it would somewhat possibly assist the enquiry to pass 
in hasty review the principal leading events which 
occurred, starting from the commencement of the 
reign of James I., until we are again overtaken by 


23 




ARBITRARY GOVERNMENT OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. 


the scanty materials history affords at this period 
of Oliver Cromwell’s eventful life. 

Let us premise, however, that during the latter 
part of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, the Court, by 
its arbitrary and unjust proceedings, had done all in 
its power to alienate the affections of the people from 
the Church as by law established. The discipline of 
the Establishment, hitherto but laxly observed, had 
been confined to a mere question of vestments. 
Conformity in the use of the robes when officiating, 
was henceforth to become a fundamental principle, 
the neglect of which was to sever the ties affection 


had bound together in lasting friendship both min¬ 
isters and congregations, who on.all other points were 
agreed. 

In the early days of this controversy, the country 
clergy had hitherto taken the lead. So far back as 
the year 1576, a conference had been held, attended 
chiefly by the clergy from the midland counties, with 
the object of devising a reformation in the Church 
without the necessity of separating from it; but the 
violence of the Court and of the Bishops combined 
ultimately brought about the calamity so much 
dreaded by them. Many of the clergy were taken 
into custody, whilst a great number were suspended 
from their functions. In Cornwall alone, upwards of 
150 were disqualified from preaching a sermon, and 
in nearly all the parish churches of Norwich scarcely 
one was found to read the service. 

Cambridge had long been noted as the head-quar¬ 
ters of the Puritans. In 1570, Cartwright, a fellow 
of Trinity College, lectured against the arbitrary 


CHAP. 

II. 

1603 


24 


CHAP. 

II. 


1603 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 

power of the hierarchy, for which he was deprived of 
his fellowship. Shortly after this event the University 
was thrown into confusion by 300 students of St. 
John’s appearing in chapel minus their hoods and 
surplices. Information of this innovation was speedily 
sent to the Court, and an angry remonstrance was 
despatched by Cecil. The heads of colleges applied to 
the Queen for a dispensation, but she would hear no 
argument, and they had to submit. 1 

The Parliament, too, was suspected of having secret 
leanings toward the Puritans, and at the commence¬ 
ment of the Session, early in the year 1580, the mem¬ 
bers voted, 4 That as many of them as could con¬ 
veniently, should on the Sunday fortnight assemble 
and meet together in the Temple Church; there to 
have preaching, and to join together in prayer for the 
assistance of God’s Spirit in all their consultations.’ 

The Queen, however, sent an intimation of her royal 
mind in the matter, by Sir Charles Hatton, her vice¬ 
chamberlain, who spoke her message, as follows:— 
4 She did so much admire at so great a rashness in 
that House, as to put in execution such an innovation 
without her privity and pleasure first made known 
unto them.’ Upon which the members voted, 4 That 
the House acknowledge their offence, and humbly 
crave forgiveness, with a full purpose to forbear com¬ 
mitting the like for the future.’ As a proof of their sin- 

\ 

cerity, they subsequently enacted that c all who do not 
go to church shall forfeit 20/. per month to the Queen, 
and suffer imprisonment until it is paid.’ 2 There 


1 Neil’s Puritans. 


2 Ibid. 



ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT’S TEST. 


25 


was an additional penalty inflicted upon those who 
should presume to absent themselves from church for > 
a whole twelvemonth ; they were required to find 
two sureties for good behaviour in future. 

Another remedy adopted by the Queen for con¬ 
tumacy was that of disfranchisement. To mend 
matters, the Divine Right of the Episcopacy was 
started by Bancroft in 1588, enforced by all the 
terrors of the Star Chamber. In addition, Arch¬ 
bishop Whitgift introduced a test which he well knew 
would have the effect of driving many of the Puritan 
divines out of the Establishment. He caused it to 
be enacted that no clergyman should be allowed to 
preach or catechise except he first read the whole 
service, wearing the appointed habits. 

Upwards of 100 ministers in Norfolk and Suffolk, 
and about half that number in Sussex and Kent, 
refusing compliance, were suspended. It was in vain 
they petitioned the Queen; the Archbishop’s influence 
prevailed, and his decision was confirmed. A new 
ecclesiastical commission was next issued, followed 
by still more suspensions. Henceforth, to tread in the 
footsteps of Cartwright was their only alternative, and 
separation from the Establishment became inevitable. 

Among those of the Puritan divines in the diocese 
of London, who most distinguished themselves at 
this period, Coleman, Button, Hallingham, Benson, 
White, Rowland, and Hawkins may be mentioned. 
One of the most numerous sects of modern Dissenters, 
known as Independents or Congregafionalists, sprang 
into existence at this period, under the name of 
Brownists, so called after their leader, a seceding 


CHAP. 

ii. 


1603 



26 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, clergyman named Brown, in the diocese of Norwich. 

—It is satisfactory to record, that whilst the Court and 
the Bishops were thus driving the Puritans out of the 
churches, the houses of many of the nobility received 
them in the capacity of chaplains and tutors. Others, 
less fortunate, assembled their scattered flocks in the 
wilderness or in the woods, to hear the Word of Life ; 
whilst some few were retained as afternoon lecturers, 
by friendly-disposed incumbents, who at considerable 
risk to themselves gave them this opportunity. 

Such, then, was the state of religion at the close of 
the long reign of Queen Elizabeth of blessed memory! 
Of whom we are told, that though very devout with 
her Prayer-book, she seldom heard a sermon, except 
during the season of Lent, and, as a rule, discouraged 
preaching everywhere—considering, as she said, that 
two or three preachers in a county were, or ought to 
be, sufficient to satisfy the consciences of her sermon- 
loving subjects. 

King James was thirty-seven years old when he 
ascended the throne of England. His antecedents had 
been such as to encourage the Papists, the High 
Church Episcopalians, and the Puritans, each in their 
turn, with the hope that on coming to the throne of 
these realms his proclivities would be declared in 
their favour. Born of Roman Catholic parents, yet 
educated as a Protestant, both parties had reasonable 
expectation of winning him to their side. The 
Puritans had special grounds to warrant their antici¬ 
pations, for had not James interceded, though un¬ 
successfully, with Queen Elizabeth on behalf of Carter, 
years ago? And had he not offered him a professor- 


THE MILLENIARY PETITION REJECTED. 


27 


ship in Scotland? These were considered unmis¬ 
takable evidences of the new monarch’s Puritan 
tendencies. 

Fond of arbitrary power, and strongly imbued with 
the notion that Kings have a Divine right to reign 


and rule, it is not a matter of surprise to find King 
James ultimately choosing that party most favourable 
to his own views, namely, the high-and-dry Episco¬ 
palians. Hence, when met by the Puritans, on his 
way to London, with their great petition, and at the 
same time, also, by the agents of the High Church 
party, despatched by Whit-gift, with assurances of 
devotion, he soon undeceived the former by telling 
them he would alter nothing unless with the approba¬ 
tion of the Bishops. This celebrated document, known 
as the Milleniary Petition, from having attached to it 
the signatures of nearly a thousand clergymen, thus 
summarily disposed of, as we have seen, by James on 
this occasion, embraced an immense number of 
grievances and abuses in the Church. They also 
prayed for a new translation of the Holy Scriptures, 
the abolition of baptismal sponsors, Confirmation, and 
the forms of priestly absolution. The great scandal 
of non-residence, of double and triple benefices, and 
the non-contribution of the lay impropriators of 
church property towards the expenses of the Estab¬ 
lishment or the support of its ministers, were also 
strongly insisted on. 

It was not, however, the policy of the King at the 
present moment to offend the Puritans by a point- 


blank refusal to entertain 
therefore decided on calling 


their memorial. He 
a conference, in which 


CHAP 

ii. 

1603 


28 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

II. 

~ 1603 ~ 


the leading men of both parties were invited to take 
part, his Majesty himself presiding on the occasion. 
This was the celebrated Hampton Court Conference, 
which was held at that palace shortly after his 
Majesty’s accession, and which gave us the trans¬ 
lation of the Bible as at present in use: this almost 
solitary substantial result of that gathering was not 
accomplished until 1611, eight years later. Forty- 
seven of the most learned divines and others were 

thus engaged i n the task. 

© © 

An amusing and graphic picture of James, in his 
capacity of President of the Conference, has been 
preserved. His overbearing tone and manner must 
early have disheartened the Puritans, and led them 
to the conclusion that their chance was small indeed 
of obtaining anything from the monarch by way of 
concession. 

At the first sitting, their leader and spokesman, 
the celebrated Dr. Reynolds, commenced by pleading 
the Puritan grievances seriatim. James listened, we 
are told, very impatiently, to all the doctor had to say, 
and at the conclusion of his address, the King said, 

1 Well, Dr. Reynolds, have you anything else to offer?’ 
4 No more of it, please your Majesty,’ replied 
Reynolds. 4 Then, if this be all your party have to 
say,’ said the King, 4 1 will make them conform, or I 
will harry them out of the kingdom, or worse. 1 

Bancroft, Bishop of London, was so elated at the 
King’s brilliant rejoinder, that he fell upon his knees, 
exclaiming, 4 1 protest my heart melteth for joy that 
the Almighty Cod of his singular mercy hath given us 
such a king, as since Christ’s time has not been !’ 


THE GUNPOWDER PLOT. 


20 


The threat to 4 harry out of the kingdom, or worse ,’ 
the poor Puritans meanwhile was not forgotten by 
either party; and well would it have been for the 
family of the monarch, in the years to come, if the 
former of those two alternatives, and not the latter, had 
been the one chosen. 

Not more successful were the Roman Catholics, in 
their efforts to obtain some degree of toleration and 
protection from the ruling ecclesiastical party in the 
State. Their failure led, as is well known, in the 
year following to the diabolical treason known as the 
Gunpowder Plot. 

In one respect the King was benefited by the con¬ 
spiracy, for it produced such a reaction in his favour, 
that large subsidies from the Parliament and clergy 
were the immediate results; but a persistence in the 
profligate expenditure of the Court soon reduced his 
coffers to their former exhausted condition, to re¬ 
plenish which he devised a system of monopolies, 
which extended to the sale of various articles of 
merchandise. All, however, failed to satisfy his re¬ 
quirements, so that at length he was obliged to 
have recourse to Parliament,—a course galling to his 
pride, for he had determined never to call another. 

In the Parliament which met in 1610, it was said, 
in the course of the debate on the King's extrava¬ 
gance, that 4 silver and gold were as plentiful in 
Edinburgh as stones in the streets,’—a remark 
which gave great offence to the King, the truth 
being made too palpable to the nation at large as to 
where their money had been despatched. He accord¬ 
ingly sent for the two Houses, telling them his dis- 


CHAP. 

ii. 

-—,— 

1603 



30 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, pleasure, and requiring them to proceed at once with 
—J—• the subsidy for which he had called them together; 
and concluded by saying, that although he did not 
intend to govern by absolute power, yet he knew 
that the power of kings was like the Divine power. 
As God can create and destroy, make and unmake, 
at His pleasure ; so kings can give life and death, 
judge all, and be judged by none. They can exalt 
and abase, and, like men at chess, make a pawn, a 
bishop, or a knight . 1 The royal game of chess, fortu¬ 
nately, has, for kings as well as for subjects, some¬ 
times an unexpected checkmate, as the sequel in 
the succeeding reign too plainly showed. 

Meanwhile the Parliament granted him a small sub¬ 
sidy, with which the King for the present was obliged 
to be contented. The Puritans, however, who were 
bitterly hated by James, still persisted to provoke him 
by outward acts of nonconformity; and at last, to com¬ 
pel them into obedience, he issued a royal commission 
with power to examine all who refused to obey the 
Act of Uniformity. This step excited great alarm 
throughout the kingdom, for, by its inquisitorial 
character, it became personally obnoxious to nearly 
every individual. 

Curiously enough, the precedent for the Act of 
Uniformity (for James was always fond of precedents, 
when they suited his purpose) dates back to the 
reign of Henry VIII., when Thomas Cromwell, Earl 
of Essex, under the title of Vice-General, was at the 
head of the commission. During the reign of Eliza¬ 
beth its authority had been exercised with great 

1 Neil’s Puritans. 


SALE OF TITLES OF DIGNITY. 


mildness, but James was ever unfortunate in the 
choice of his instruments; and in the selection of his 
chief dignitaries for places of authority, he chose 
men whose zeal for Episcopacy far exceeded all rea¬ 
sonable bounds of prudence and discretion; the con¬ 
sequences of which were grievous not only to the 
Nonconformists but to the nation at large, driving the 
former in large numbers to seek an asylum in a 
foreign land, and the latter ultimately into open and 
successful rebellion. 

In the midst of these enactments, the Court was 
greatly alarmed by the news which came from 
France of the assassination of Henry IV. by the 
fanatic Jesuit, Ravaillac. James, who had latterly 
become somewhat more tolerant towards the Roman 
Catholics, now forbade all of that profession to 
come within ten miles of the Court, under terrible 
penalties. 

It would be an almost endless task to recount 
the various schemes and contrivances of the King to 
replenish his continually-recurring empty purse. 
One of the most novel, though possibly not the 
most successful of these, was the creation of titles 
of dignity; that of a baronet, for instance, which 
involved on the part of those selected for this dis¬ 
tinction an outlay of 2,000/., besides having to pro¬ 
vide at the rate of Is. 6d. a day each man, for thirty 
foot-soldiers for three years to serve in Ireland. 
Ready cash, however, being a pressing want, a liberal 
reduction was made to those who could pay in ad¬ 
vance. Sir Nicholas Bacon, the father of the great 
philosopher and statesman, was the first baronet. 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 

Other schemes, more onerous because compulsory, 
were devised. Monopolies were granted, and obsolete 
laws were revived, one of which compelled the owner 
of a freehold worth 40/. a-year to take the degree of 
knighthood, or, failing to do so, to compound for the 
same. The elevation to the dignity of a baron, a 
viscount, or an earl, was accompanied by a corre¬ 
sponding pecuniary liability—that of a viscount 
costing 15,000/., an earl 20,000/., and a baron 
10,000/. Defective titles were also to yield a good 
round sum in order to become secure. 

Notwithstanding all these expedients, James 
still found himself as poor as ever, and ultimately 
obliged to have recourse to Parliament for additional 
supplies, to meet an expenditure he was both unable 
and unwilling to control. Thus, we see, that great 
lever, the power of the purse—the great Magna 
Charta of Englishmen’s rights, the only safeguard 
under the Stuart dynasty—was already beginning to 
make itself acknowledged and felt. 

Parliament no sooner met than it was peremp¬ 
torily required to enter upon, before all other topics 
and grievances, the subject of the King’s pecuniary 
necessities, and the way to meet them. A large 
subsidy was demanded, accompanied by the as¬ 
surance that leave to ventilate their grievances 
should, on the royal word, be given after the subsidy 
had been voted. Past experience, however, had 
taught the members a different lesson. They had 
strong presumptive evidence, judging from previous 
events, that their sittings would be short indeed, if, 
after they had complied, they presumed to debate on 


THE UNFORTUNATE PRINCESS ELIZABETH. 


33 


subjects obnoxious to the Court. So, instead of first 
discussing the subsidy, they reversed the King’s order, 
and proceeded to enquire and examine into the 
causes which had led to the present financial em¬ 
barrassments. It was soon discovered that the crown 
revenues had been squandered in grants of land 
among the Scotch, whose avidity for ready cash led 
them to dispose as quickly as possible of these grants, 
carrying off the proceeds beyond all chance of re¬ 
covery to their own needy country, a discovery 
which greatly exasperated the Commons. But 
whilst they were busy making other unpleasant dis¬ 
closures, the King, whose indignation and impatience 
could no longer be controlled, broke in upon their 
deliberations, and hastily put a stop to them by an 
abrupt dismissal of the House. 

Nor was the King more happy or successful in the 
domestic circle than in political affairs. His eldest 
daughter, the Princess Elizabeth, married the unfortu¬ 
nate Elector-Palatine—a match which was thought by 
the monarch to have been in every respect most desir¬ 
able, but which ultimately proved to be one of great dis¬ 
appointment and misfortune. Beset early by poverty 
of the severest kind, with a large family of young chil¬ 
dren, yet driven away by foreign invasions from his 
own paternal dominions, the Elector lived a life of 
penury and neglect; whilst his brave and noble- 
hearted wife, by her firmness, constancy, and heroism, 
never despaired or forsook his side, but bravely 
buffeted with her adverse fate through long years of 
suffering and poverty. 

The year which succeeded this unfortunate mar- 

D 


CHAP. 

ii. 


1616 



34 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

II. 

-- 1 — 

1616 


riage was signalised by another misfortune to the 
royal family, and one which the nation at large 
had reason to deplore. The eldest son of the 
monarch, the Prince of Wales, a youth in his 
eighteenth year, of* great promise and of a most 
amiable disposition, fitted in every way to adorn his 
high position, was removed by death from the family 
circle. By this event, the second son, who subse¬ 
quently ascended the throne as Charles I., became 
heir-apparent. 

Passing from James and his domestic troubles to 
other events occurring about the period we have nowar- 
rived at, (namely 1616,) a striking instance of retribu¬ 
tive justice was that afforded in the case of Sir Walter 
Raleigh. Released from the Tower after twelve years’ 
imprisonment, the consequences of an illegal sentence 
by Chief Justice Coke, he obtained his liberty just in 
time to witness the disgrace of that judge—to see him. 
deprived of his office, and on his knees at the Council- 
table, suing for pardon for having threatened Lord 
Chancellor Egerton with a Star Chamber prosecution. 
The King, who had bided his time, well knew how to 
revenge himself for the stinging remark the Chief 
Justice had indulged in some months previously, when 
he said in open court that his Majesty 4 was labouring 
to overthrow the common law of England.’ 

The disgrace of Overbury’s murderer, the Earl of 
Somerset, occurred about the same period. A new 
favourite had been found in the person of George 
Villiers, whose handsome face attracted his Majesty’s 
attention whilst witnessing a play called 4 The Igno¬ 
ramus,’ during a visit he paid to Cambridge. The 



RALEIGH, VILLIERS, BACON, LAUD, MYDDELTON. 


chief excellence of this production in the eyes of the 
monarch, was that it turned into ridicule the com¬ 
mon law of England, a law he was particularly 
anxious to ignore, it being contrary and antagonistic 
to that doctrine his Majesty held most sacred—the 
Divine Right of Kings. 

Sir Francis Bacon was now rapidly rising into 
favour, having just been appointed Lord Keeper; 
Laud, another rising man, had been made Archdeacon 
of Huntingdon, in Oliver Cromwell’s neighbourhood. 
Raleigh, Yilliers, Bacon, and Laud, are names sadly 
suggestive of the mutability of worldly honour and 
distinction. In a few brief years all except one had 
encountered a violent death. Raleigh, to the eternal 
disgrace of King James, was beheaded on Tower Hill; 
Yilliers fell a victim to the dagger of the assassin; 
Laud, in the next reign, suffered a violent death at 
the executioner’s hands; whilst Lord Bacon survived 
his own great reputation as a statesman and philoso¬ 
pher, to live condemned—a poor, disgraced, and utterly 
ruined, characterless old man. It is satisfactory, how¬ 
ever, to find one among the great men who flourished in 
this reign, whose name may be mentioned in the light 
of a public benefactor. It was during this year that 
Sir Hugh Myddelton, the wealthy London goldsmith, 
achieved his great engineering triumph, by bringing 
two streams of pure water a distance of sixty miles, 
into the neighbourhood of London. The New River 
scheme, begun in 1608, was this year completed: thus 
affording another proof, if such were wanted, of the 
lasting benefits to posterity resulting from successful 
trade, when nobly applied as in this instance. 



36 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap. Oliver Cromwell had just completed his seventeenth 

—»—' year when he was admitted a fellow-commoner of 

1616 J . . 

Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge. His father sent 

him, says Heath, in his 4 Flagellum,’ 4 more to satisfy 
his own ambition than from any hope of completing 
him in his studies, which never reached to any good 
knowledge in the Latin tongue.’ This was simply an 
untruth, as regards the latter assertion, for Cromwell 
had, as subsequent events proved, a very good know¬ 
ledge of Latin. The same authority adds, that 4 Oliver 
was more famous for his exercises in the field than in 
the schools, being a great player at football and 
cudgells.’ 

The day on which his name first appears in the 
college books was somewhat remarkable in reference 
to another great name in English history. It was on 
April 23, 1616, that William Shakespeare died. On 
the banks of the Avon, whose waters flow towards 
the setting sun, the mightiest poet in the realms of 
fancy passed away into the unseen world; whilst 
eastward, on the banks of the Cam, the same day saw 
another of the earth’s great ones in the world of fact, 
just setting out—to be—to do—to suffer! And whose 
dying words in forty years to come were uttered, 
4 My business here is to make haste, and begone.’ 

Trifling as such coincidences may appear to many, 
they yet may teach us, 

There’s a divinity which shapes our ends, 

Hough hew them as we will. 

A great modern writer, reflecting on this coinci¬ 
dence, remarks: 4 The first world-great thing that 



FROM SHAKESFEARE TO CROMWELL. 


37 


remains of English history, the literature of* Shake¬ 
speare, was ending; the second world-great thing that 
remains of English history, the armed appeal of 
Puritanism to the Invisible God of Heaven, against 
many invisible devils on earth and elsewhere, was, so 
to speak, beginning. They have their exits and their 
entrances. And one people in its time plays many 
parts.’ 1 

When Shakespeare came into the world, Thomas 
Cromwell had been in his grave some quarter of a 
century. At the poet’s death, Thomas Cromwell’s 
great-nephew, four generations later, had reached his 
seventeenth year. Meanwhile, during that interval 
of seventy-six years, the Tudor line of kings had 
vanished, to give place to the unfortunate dynasty of 
the Stuarts. The Reformation had accomplished its 
destiny, and the national religion had become Pro¬ 
testant. The art of printing by moveable types had 
become a commercial success. Trade, too, had received 
its first great emancipation in the charter granted by 
Queen Elizabeth to the East India Company, thus 
opening up the vast territory of our Eastern possessions 
to the enterprise of the West. Science also achieved 
some of her greatest triumphs in the discoveries of 
Copernicus, Tycho Brahe, Kepler, and Galileo, through 
whose genius astronomy became a positive science. 

A glance at some of Oliver’s contemporaries at this 
period may not be uninteresting. Milton, a fair¬ 
haired little boy, in his eighth year, was residing with 
his parents in Bread Street, Cheapside. We may 


CHAP. 

ii. 

"TenT 


1 Carlyle. 


38 


CHAP. 

II. 

- 1 - 

1616 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 

picture him in his daily walks along the great 
thoroughfare, on his way to the neighbouring school 
of St. Paul’s, looking at the quaint old shop-windows 
projecting into the street, with their creaking sign¬ 
boards swinging overhead, whereon rude emblems of 
the trade within might be seen. Not far from Shake¬ 
speare’s Stratford-on-Avon, in the same county, at 
Coleshill, lived another boy-poet, Waller. Two years 
older than Milton, Waller was in his eleventh year 
when Shakespeare died. Ben Jonson, now in the 
height of his fame, we find busily superintending the 
masks and revels so popular at the houses of the 
nobility and the wealthy in those days. A year or 
two later he was appointed Poet Laureate, and soon 
after became a court favourite, with a salary of one 
hundred marks. The pipe of canary had not been 
added, nor was it until the next reign that this ad¬ 
dition to the stipend of the state-poet took place. 
Sir Walter Raleigh, now released from prison, was 
busy planning fresh schemes of foreign discovery, the 
better to retrieve his broken fortunes, which, alas! he 
was never destined to accomplish. 

Bacon, the Attorney-General, now in his fifty-fourth 
year, had just succeeded in convicting the guilty 
parties of Overbury’s murder, at the same time bring¬ 
ing disgrace and ruin on the court favourites, Lord 
and Lady Somerset, through whose machinations it 
had been perpetrated. 

It was in this year that the great lawyer Coke fell 
from his high position as Lord Chief Justice, having 
incurred the displeasure of the King by his noble and 
courageous defence of the common law of England. 



LORD CHIEF JUSTICE COKE. 


39 


A case had come before him, wherein the King chap. 

ii. 

considered his prerogative attacked; he therefore '— re¬ 
called upon Coke to stay proceedings. The Chief 
Justice refused compliance, and the case proceeded. 
Enraged beyond measure, the royal ruler summoned 
all the J udges into his presence. At the Council-table 
Coke alone stood, whilst the eleven Judges, who 
previously had acquiesced in Coke’s decision, fell upon 
their knees, acknowledged they were in error, and 
implored pardon. The King then propounded a case 
to them, demanding to know whether they ought not 
to stay proceedings until his royal pleasure were 
known, if he considered his prerogative called in 
question. The eleven Judges answered in the affir¬ 
mative; but Coke’s reply was:—‘When the case 
happens, I will do that which becomes an honest 
and able judge.’ Four days later Coke received the 
King’s reprimand, and at the same time was se¬ 
questered from his duties and attendance at the 
Council-table. 

Then there were others who figure in the future 
more or less conspicuously. Among these may be 
mentioned Laud and Hall. The former had just 
been promoted to the deanery of Gloucester, and the 
latter to that of Worcester. Prince Charles was now 
in the sixteenth year of his age, his able but un¬ 
fortunate minister Stratford but twenty-three. Pym 
and Hampden, Oliver Cromwell’s kinsmen, had 
reached the mature age, respectively, of forty-two 
and thirty-two. 

From noticeable men, let us proceed to take a brief 
survey of England, her customs, manners, and habits, 


40 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, at tills period. The population, for the most part, 
' were employed in agricultural pursuits, and resided 
chiefly in villages or hamlets. The old feudal system 
was still in full vigour, the tenure of land being by suit 
and service to the lord or owner of the soil; division of 
labour there was scarcely any, and what little existed, 
was not understood in the modern commercial sense 
of that term. The dwellings of the labouring poor 
were chiefly one-storied wooden or mud erections; 
glass, however, was now generally being substituted 
for horn in the windows, and wooden floors were 
superseding the bare mud or rush in former use. 
The houses of the more substantial classes, some of 
which have survived to our own day, were solid, 
durable, massive buildings of many gables, composed 
outside of wood and plaster; many such may still be 
seen scattered here and there, in cathedral towns 
and old-fashioned country places. 

Some curious contrasts in reference to food, wages, 
and dress, in this and the preceding reigns, may not 
be uninteresting. Wages and its equivalents presented, 
of course, a fluctuating but constantly increasing ratio. 
Thus, for instance, in the reign of Edward III., 
haymakers and harvestmen worked for a penny a 
day; this was the price fixed by Act of Parliament; 
carpenters’ wages were threepence. The price of 
food, however, bore a relative proportion; a fat ox cost 
from 50 s. to 60s., wheat was a shilling a bushel, and 
sheep could be bought for five or six shillings each. 
And these prices, be it remembered, were high in 
comparison to those ruling fifty years earlier, when ic 
was enacted that an ox ‘ fed with grasse schould be 


PRICES OF FOOD AND WAGES. 


41 


sold for xvi. shillings, a fat oxe for xxivs., a fat cow chap. 
xiis., a goode swyn to three years old for xl, pence; -—J— 
a scliipe with wolle xx<i., a fatte goos ii . a capon 
iic?., a henne iv<L, doves id .; and if any man sold any 
other pris the retail, to forfeit to the Kyng.’ Later 
by two centuries, in the reign of Henry VIII., the 
price of beef and pork was fixed at a halfpenny the 
pound, and veal at three farthings. 

A considerable rise, meanwhile, had occurred by 
the time James I. came to the throne. Wages, how¬ 
ever, kept pace with provisions, and harvestmen, who 
could obtain but fourpence a day in 1568, were in 
receipt of sixpence by the year 1632. Ale and beer, 
as fixed by Act of Parliament in the first year of 
James I., was sold at one penny the quart for the 
former, and one halfpenny for the latter, whilst three 
pints of new milk could be had for one halfpenny. 

On the other hand, articles of foreign growth were 
enormously dear, a pound of pepper costing eight 
shillings. The breakfast-table of that period must 
have presented a striking contrast to that of our own 
times; tea and coffee had not yet been introduced, 
and bread was chiefly made from barley without yeast. 

The following is a description of a nobleman’s 
breakfast in the days of the Plantagenets:— 4 Break¬ 
fast for an Earl and his Countess during Lent, a loaf 
of bread in trenches; two manchetts (small loaves 
weishiner about six ounces each, made of the finest 

O O ' 

flour), a quart of beer, a quart of wine; two pieces 
of salt-fish ; six dried herrings or a dish of sprats.’ 

At other periods, however, the fare was improved. 

On 4 flesh days ’ there was no fish, but half a chine of 



42 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

II. 



1616 


mutton or beef. The two meals daily, introduced at 
the time of the Norman Conquest, had multiplied 
into four during the fifteenth century; and these 
were taken at somewhat early hours, for it was 
customary to breakfast at six, dine at ten, sup at 
four, and the concluding meal, called 4 livery,’ was 
taken just before going to bed, or between eight and 
nine o’clock. 

As before mentioned, neither tea nor cotfee had yet 
appeared at the breakfast-table. Nor had potatoes or 
tobacco been introduced, or, if consumed by the few, 
it was more with the object of satisfying the curiosity 
than the appetite. Coffee is mentioned as having 
been drunk for the first time in this country in the 
year 1641, by a foreigner of Balliol College, Oxford, 
who introduced this innovation. The first coffeehouse 
in England is said to have been opened at Oxford, 
by a Jew named Jacobs, in 1650. That amusing 
author, Samuel Pepys, records with customary mi¬ 
nuteness his first cup of tea on September 25, 1660. 

It is remarkable the length of time it took to 
popularise many of the commodities which now con¬ 
tribute to the comfort and happiness of mankind, as 
compared with modern innovations—the use of railway 
locomotion, for instance. Coal was known to the an¬ 
cient Britons, yet it took centuries to bring it into 
general consumption. So detrimental to health was a 
coal-fire considered, that it was not until the beginning 
of the fifteenth century that the metropolis began to 
think otherwise, nor was its consumption by any means 
general throughout the country until the reign of 
Charles I. A century elapsed before coffee became a 



INTRODUCTION OF THE POTATO AND TOBACCO. 


43 


national beverage, and tea was so little understood chap. 

il« 

that it long continued to be sold in the liquid state 
by the gallon. 

The potato did not come into general use until 
thirty years after its introduction into this county by 
Sir John Hawkins, in 1563 ; Sir Walter Raleigh, who 
brought this esculent from South America, being the 
iirst to cultivate it successfully, which he did on his 
estate in the South of Ireland. Was it owing to this 
circumstance, or to the peculiar adaptation of the soil, 
that the potato has continued until lately the staple 
food of the population of that country? Nor ought 
we to omit mentioning the introduction of tobacco, 
about the same time as the potato, by this enter¬ 
prising navigator. 

For the first few years this article continued to be 
manufactured in this country solely for the purpose of 
exportation; but as its soothing and other useful pro¬ 
perties, when used in moderation, became known, the 
consumption gradually increased, in spite of govern¬ 
mental proclamations and fiscal restrictions. With 
the view to check the demand, a duty of 65. 10 d. per 
pound was imposed by the Star Chamber in 1614, and 
at the present time the duty on the commonest kind 
is 3 5., whereas the price to the public is but a few 
pence in excess of the duty: in other words, 4 d. covers 
the cost, remunerates the grower, the carrier from a 
distant clime, and the dealer; whilst the Government 
have made this article, which is consumed by the mil¬ 
lion, yield a tax of 35. on every pound consumed. 

The cultivation of the tobacco-plant was forbidden 
in England in 1684, and this prohibition has continued 


44 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


cp ^ p * down to the present day, although it is well known 
that in some situations a most profitable crop would 
reward the cultivator, especially in the South of Ire¬ 
land, where the soil and climate are well adapted for 
this purpose. The sole argument in favour of this 
restriction is a purely fiscal one, and it reflects un¬ 
favourably on the wisdom of financial economists that 
they have never yet succeeded in devising a plan 
which would at the same time protect the revenue, and 
set the husbandman at liberty to grow whatever will 
yield him a successful remuneration for his labour. 

In the matter of costume, great changes have of 
course taken place since the era of Elizabeth and 
the Stuarts. When James ascended the throne, it is 
noticeable that the fashions which had been prevalent 
during the early years of Elizabeth came again into 
vogue. Ladies of rank returned to the use of the 
monstrous farthingale and the stand-up ruff stiffened 
by wire; the latter, it was sarcastically said, had been 
introduced by a Spanish lady to hide a wen. Bibs and 
georgets, caps and bonnets, also came into fashion 
once more. Silk dresses, among the wealthy classes, 
were now becoming general; gold chains and brace¬ 
lets were also worn, and the French hood made its ap¬ 
pearance. A rich widow is described coming into her 
kitchen in a c fair train-gown stuck full of silver pins; a 
white cap on her head, with cuts of various needlework 
under the same; and an apron as white as driven snow.’ 

The costume of the gentlemen was remarkable for 
an extraordinary development in the nether garments. 
The court-dress of a nobleman included stays ; bands 
were first introduced in this reign, but perukes had 


NATIONAL COSTUMES OF THE 17TH CENTURY. 


45 


not yet made their appearance; hats, not however 
of our modern shape, came in during the reign of Henry 
VII.; expensive gaiters were worn, and shoe-roses 
also became general. The merchant of that day is 
described as wearing 4 a plain grave suit ’ with a black 
cloak, and the young gentleman was distinguished by 
his 4 suit of good apparel,’ cloak, and rapier. 

A 4 spruce master-tailor ’ is mentioned as appearing 
in a new russet jerkin and a tall sugarloaf hat, clapped 
on one side of his head.’ Towards the latter part of 
this reign, says the same authority , 1 4 men of mean 
rank wore gaiters and shoe-roses costing more than 
5 1. per pair.’ In the preceding reign, 55 . or 65 . sufficed 
to procure the more humble kind then in use. Those 
queer-looking unmentionables, supposed to be now 
extinct, so universally used a generation or two ago, 
the modern breeches, did not appear till the year 
1654. Trunk-hose were worn by every gentleman 
of rank in the days of James I. They became at 
length so enormously large behind, that an Act of 
Parliament passed against their use; and in an old 
Harleian MSS. at the British Museum, we read that 
in the forty-third year of Queen Elizabeth’s reign, 
certain holes were made in the wall at the back of 
the members’ seats in the Houses of Parliament, 4 for 
those to set who wore great breeches.’ These mon¬ 
strosities were usually stuffed with hair, and there is 
an old song entitled, 4 A lamentable complaint of 
the poore countriemen agaynst great hose, for the 
loss of their cattell’s tails,’ in which the following 
stanza occurs: 


CHAP. 

11. 
"lei 6 


1 Strutt’s Manners and Customs. 


46 


LII?E OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

II. 


1616 


But liaire hath so possessed of late, 
The bryclie of every knave, 

That not one beast nor horse can tell, 
Whiche way his tail to save. 


It is related of a man who was taken before the 
magistrates for wearing a pair of these trunk-hose 
of unlawful dimensions, that, for his excuse, he emp¬ 
tied the contents of his capacious pockets, and drew 
forth a pair of sheets, two tablecloths, ten dinner 
napkins, four shirts, a brush, comb, nightcap, and a 
looking-glass, beside other things, saying, ‘ Your 
worship may understand that this is because I have 
no safer storehouse to put them in.’ The reason¬ 
ableness of the excuse was considered conclusive, and 
the man was accordingly discharged. 

Mining operations, at the period we are now dwell¬ 
ing upon, were of course on a very limited scale, lead 
and tin mines being the most considerable. Iron was 
chiefly imported from abroad ; the continued influx 
of silver and gold had, however, at length begun to 
enhance the value of most commodities. Up to the 
year 1530, no appreciable etfect had been felt; 
but the lapse of another century produced a re¬ 
markable change in this respect, for in the year 1630 
it was reckoned that prices had nearly doubled, and 
2001. sterling would go no further in purchasing food 
than 100Z. did at the former period. Of home-manu¬ 
factured articles there were but few, coarse pottery 
and glass being the principal. The stocking-machine 
had not yet made any progress, and the stockings 
in use were chiefly of cloth. Silk stockings, Stow 
tells us, were first worn by Queen Elizabeth. These 
were presented to her Majesty as a new-year ’s gift, 



EXTERNAL APPEARANCE OF LONDON. 


47 


when she was so well pleased with them that she sent chap. 

to enquire where they came from. 4 1 made them -^— 

A 1616 

myself/ replied the woman-in-waiting; and she added, 

4 Seeing they please you so well, I will presently set 
more in hand/ 4 Do so,’ said the Queen, 4 for I like 
silk stockings so well that I will not henceforth wear 
any more cloth hose.’ 

Nearly down to the close of Elizabeth’s reign, 
London presented externally but little change. The 
houses for the most part were built of wood, with 
clumsy overhanging gables nearly meeting those on 
the opposite side of the narrow streets; the gutters ran 
down the middle of the road ; footways there were 
none. A few years before her death, an Act passed to 
forbid the erection of any more houses exclusively of 
wood; most of the principal thoroughfares had, how¬ 
ever, been paved. The streets on a dark night must 
have presented a gloomy appearance, for there were 
no lights used in the shop-windows, and but a stray 
tallow-candle or two might be seen in the interior ; 
horn lanterns were in general use, and boys with links 
or torches obtained a few pence by running before 
the carriages. Oil lamps here and there might be met 
with, suspended across some of the leading thorough¬ 
fares, but this method of lighting the streets did not 
become general until a much later period. Hackney- 
coaches there were none ; the first appearance of 
these in the London streets dates from 1625. 

The population of England and Wales at this period 
has been generally estimated at 5,000,000 ; but no 
authentic records are to be met with on this point, 
except during the reign of Henry VIII., when it stood 



48 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, at rather more than 4,500,000 ; and also 200 years 
-—-—later, in the reign of W illiam III., when it was estimated 
at 5,290,000; these calculations, however, must be 
considered only as approximations. If the population 
was not great, neither were the taxes, for the total of 
the revenue raised amounted to little more than half 
a million sterling. Expenditure, however, is pro¬ 
verbially more lavish when in the hands of a public 
body than when confined to a single individual; hence 
the gradual growth of taxation, in proportion as the 
House of Commons advanced in power and influence. 

But if the national revenue during the first quarter 
of the seventeenth century was small, so also, be it 
remembered, were the demands upon it. There was 
then no national debt or standing army. For the 
former we are indebted to William III., and the latter 
to the extinction of feudal tenures. The obnoxious 
law of purveyance was still in force, which enabled 
the royal family to travel from one end of the coun¬ 
try to the other at almost free cost ; horses, carriages, 
and provisions, when not voluntarily supplied, were 
forcibly taken possession of by the purveyors employed 
during the journey, and the farmers were obliged to 
submit to whatever remuneration it was thought 

o 

proper to give—not in hard cash, however, but in 
tallies on the exchequer, often found worthless when 
presented for payment, by reason of the bankrupt 
condition of that department. 

There were no regular posts before 1631, when a 
4 running post ’ was established between Edinburgh 
and London, ‘to go thither and back in six days.’ 
A century later, even letters were transmitted 



THE NATIONAL AMUSEMENTS. 


49 


between the metropolis and the North three times a chap. 

. . ,ii 

week only; and it is related that on one occasion, '—J— 

but a single letter was found in the mail-bag. 

As yet there were no banks, and the London 
merchants kept their spare cash at the Mint, until 
Charles I., wanting a supply for the civil war, seized 
all the money, and the credit of the Mint as a safe 
depository was destroyed. After this, the merchants 
resorted to the Lombard Street goldsmiths, and this 
system continued until banking became a separate 
trade. 

To this brief account of our ancestors, may be men¬ 
tioned their amusements, which consisted of various 
games not now in vogue, such as quarter-staff, 
pitching the bar, throwing the spear, wrestling, 
running races, bowls, bull-baiting, and cockfighting. 
Field-sports were then, as now, chiefly confined to the 
wealthy upper classes. Market and fair days were 
occasions of great gatherings among the country 
people. 

Oliver Cromwell remained a very brief period at 
Sidney Sussex College. He entered on April 16, 

1617, and left the June following, in consequence of 
the death of his father. 

Mrs. Robert Cromwell had for the second time 
become a widow, and a few months later she yet 
suffered the further misfortune of losing her father, 
thus being deprived by death of. the two most dear 
to whom she could apply for council and advice; 
her only pecuniary support being the profits arising 
from the brewery, and a scanty income to meet the 

E 


50 


CHAP. 

II. 

v--,-- 

1617 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 

requirements of a family of six daughters and an 
only son (Oliver), in his eighteenth year. 

It was a misfortune for Oliver thus to find him¬ 
self at an early age his own master; the consequences 
were soon evident, and the result proved the im¬ 
portance of wholesome parental restraint at that 
period of life. Left, comparatively speaking, uncon¬ 
trolled to follow his own inclinations, these soon 
displayed themselves in a course of thoughtless 
extravagance, which at length so alarmed his mother 
as to induce her to send him from home, in order to 
study law at one of the Inns of Court. ‘ Lincoln’s Inn 
is the one said to have been selected, but of this 
there are no proofs. Heath asserts that such was the 
case; if it were so, it is strange that no record of this 
event is to be found in the books of that learned 
society. It has been suggested that some Bencher, 
in order to preserve the reputation of the Inn, erased 
his name. 

4 It is good luck for that honourable society,’ says 
Heath, ‘ that Oliver hath so small and innocent a 
memorial of his membership therein.’ If any choice 
had been exercised by his mother, Gray’s Inn would 
naturally have had the preference, for it was there 
that Cromwell, Earl of Essex, had been a member; 
Oliver’s own son, Henry, six-and-thirty years later, 
also belonged to the same Inn. 

Scarcely a reliable trace exists of Oliver, however, 
at this period. There is every reason to fear that his 
extravagant dissipation exceeded all former limits, a 
love of gambling being added to his other vices. 
After a residence in town of a few months, he 



OLIVER AND THE ALE-WIVES OF HUNTINGDON. 


51 


appears to have given up the study of the law; and, his chap. 

debts increasing, he withdrew to his native town, once '—— 

. . . . 1617 

more to renew his former friendships, so dreaded by his 

mother, and to continue his vicious courses, wasting 
the parental estate, says Heath, in his debaucheries; 

4 tippling, running up a score, and quarrelling, so that 
few durst keep him company.’ His chief weapon 
was the quarter-staff, and few could contend with 
him in the skill with which he used it about the 
heads of the tinkers and pedlars, his companions at 
the public-houses he frequented. On these occasions 
he was the terror of all the ale-wives in Huntingdon 
and the neighbourhood, who, when they saw him 
coming, would cry out, 4 Here comes young Crom¬ 
well ; shut up your doors ! ’ 

In these mad freaks, continues the authority already 
quoted, 4 No women could meet him on the highway 
without being attacked ; and, when complaints were 
made, he vindicated his violence and the heat of his 
blood by letting out some of theirs.’ 





52 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAPTER III. 

The King goes to Scotland—Laud’s Efforts there to establish Episcopacy 
—The Lancashire Petition for Sunday Sports—Publication of the ‘Book 
of Sports’—Archbishop Abbot forbids it at Croydon—London the 
Stronghold of the Puritans—The King and the Lord Mayor—Blind 
Infatuation of James—The Spanish Match—Calamities of the next 
Reign to be ascribed to James—Sir Walter Raleigh sacrificed to his 
Spanish Enemies—His Execution—The Synod of Dort—Arminian 
Tendencies of the King—His Love of Sacerdotal Pomp—Advent of 
Laud to Power—Puritan Opposition—Poverty of the Exchequer, and 
the King’s Method of replenishing it—Death of the Queen—The 
Princess Elizabeth—The Danish Royal Family—The Elector Palatine 
—Great Change in Oliver Cromwell’s Conduct—The ‘Town Cross’— 
‘ Calvinistic Christianity’—Cromwell’s own Account of Himself—His 
Marriage—Milton’s last Resting-place—Cromwell’s Sisters and their 
Home at Huntingdon—Oliver’s Uncles and Aunts—Mrs. Oliver Crom¬ 
well—The King in Financial Troubles again—Monopolies—Corruption 
in High Places—Lord Bacon and others proved to have taken Bribes 
—King James and the Cheesemonger—The King on Privilege and 
Royal Prerogative—The Protest of the Commons, and the Anger of the 
King thereat—Death of James I.—Melancholy Picture of England 
during his Reign—Growth of Ritualism under Laud’s Ascendency— 
Appearance of the State Puritans—Birth of Cromwell’s Son Richard— 
Letter of Cromwell to Downhall—Mr. Downhall’s subsequent History. 

CHAP. 

III. 

1618 ~ 


Having, as he thought, conquered the Puritans, 
James next undertook to subdue the unruly wills and 
affections of his Scotch subjects, wdio, in their attach¬ 
ment to Presbyterianism, had nearly rooted out what 
little of Episcopacy had ever existed in that country. 
Before setting out for Edinburgh, he issued a procla¬ 
mation, informing them that in coming it was not with 
the intention of altering civil or ecclesiastical matters, 
but to reform certain abuses 4 in the Church and 
Commonwealth.’ England, be it remembered, was at 
this time swarming with Papists ; well aware of 


LAUD AND THE SCOTCH GENERAL ASSEMBLY. 


53 


this, and of the King’s countenance of that religion, the 
Scots were prepared to watch with suspicion the first 
steps in the reformation so gratuitously undertaken. 
Nor were they long kept in suspense; no sooner had the 
royal household arrived than the latter commenced 
decorating the Chapel Royal with pictures and statues, 
after the approved model of Whitehall; but the cry 
quickly ran through the city, 4 Images are being in¬ 
troduced, and the Mass will quickly follow.’ At this 
Dr. Laud, who accompanied his Majesty, exclaimed, 

4 They have no religion at all an’ please your Majesty.’ 
After much trouble and delay, the consent of the 
General Assembly was obtained to the four following 
articles: first, Holy Communion to be administered 
to persons kneeling ; secondly, the Eucharist was not 
to be denied to the sick, provided three or four others 
joined in the ceremony; thirdly, Christmas, Easter, 
Ascension Day, and Whitsunday were to be observed 
especially as holy days, and preachers to make choice 
of suitable texts; and lastly, the rite of Confirmation 
was to be introduced in a modified form. 

What between Presbyterianism in Scotland and 
Puritanism in England, the King encountered con¬ 
tinual vexations ; whatever, therefore, ran counter to 
these two obstructions to his policy was hailed with 
satisfaction. It was with secret pleasure he received on 
his way home, in the Roman Catholic county of Lan¬ 
cashire, a numerously-signed petition from the inhabi¬ 
tants, complaining that they were now no longer per¬ 
mitted to indulge in amusements as formerly, after 
Divine Service on Sundays; that quarter-staff, dancing, 
and church ales had been put a stop to, and praying 


<CHAP. 

III. 

1618 


54 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

III. 

' 1618 


that these 4 good old customs of their forefathers 1 
might once more be permitted, which the Puritans in 
authority had hitherto interfered with. His Majesty 
received the deputation most graciously, promising 
to look into the matter, which he did shortly after, 
and the issue of this enquiry resulted in the publication 
of 4 The Book of Sports.’ This celebrated production 
authorised the Bishops to enforce and constrain 4 all 
Puritans and Precisians to conform thereto or quit the 
country.’ c Our pleasure is,’ continues its royal author, 
4 that after the end of Divine Service our good 
people be not disturbed from any lawful recreation, 
such as dancing, archery, leaping, vaulting, or any 
other harmless recreation, nor from having of May- 
games, Whitsun-ales, and Morris-dances, and the 
setting-up of Maypoles and other sports. But, 
withal, we do here account still as prohibited, 
bearbaiting, interludes, and bowling.’ 

This 4 Book of Sports ’ was ordered to be read in 
all the churches of the kingdom; but, to the credit of 
the Church of England, there were not wanting some 
among her bishops and many of her clergy who re¬ 
fused this latter injunction. 

Abbot, Archbishop of Canterbury, who happened to 
be at Croydon Church on the Sunday it was ordered 
to be read, ‘flatly forbad the minister to read it.’ 
London had long been the stronghold of the Puritans, 
and the Lord Mayor ably seconded the opposition of 
the citizens to Sunday desecrations on one occasion, in 
a bold and unexpected step, which brought upon the 
city the hostility of the Court. This was no other 
than causing the King’s carriages to be stopped as 



KING JAMES AND THE SPANISH MATCH. 


55 


they were passing through the streets one Sunday chap. 
afternoon. When the Kino; heard of it, we are told ——J— 

O ' 1618 

that he went into a great rage, swearing, ‘he thought 
there had been no more kings in England but himself.’ 

The blind infatuation of James, regardless of the 
prejudices of his subjects against Roman Catholic al¬ 
liances, next showed itself in the Spanish match. And 
here it may be remarked, that there is no error more 
prevalent than that which ascribes all the calamities 
which befell this country in the next reign solely to 
the monarch who then sat upon the throne. To the 
careful student of history, who impartially endeavours 
to trace the origin of national misfortunes, there is 
clear evidence that blind, bigoted, and perverse as 
was the unfortunate Charles I., he but fostered the 
evil which had been planted in his father’s lifetime. 

Those acts, already recounted, as also those which 
have yet to be mentioned, point with unerring certainty 
to the inevitable conclusion, that in every way it was 
possible for a monarch to throw away the affections of 
his people, by a series of gross political, commercial, and 
religious blunders, James pursued a consistent course 
until the day of his death—bequeathing to his son the 
penalties which unerring wisdom has declared that 
< the sins of the father shall be visited upon the children 
unto the third and fourth generation.’ But to this 
match there were certain preliminary conditions 
demanded by the Spanish Court before matrimonial 
negotiations could be commenced. A great man was 
to be sacrificed to the hatred of that nation for his 
interference with their foreign possessions. Sir 
Walter Raleigh was the unfortunate victim; his crime 



56 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

III. 

167s 


was the attack he had recently made on the Spanish 
island of St. Thomas. Failing to discover the El Dorado 
he promised the King, he had returned empty-handed. 
Unfortunately for himself, however, he determined to 
make up for failure in gold discovery by foreign con¬ 
quest; hence the attack complained of. His ruin 
being determined on, the pretext was resorted to that 
he had never been forgiven the crime for which, four¬ 
teen years before, he had been found guilty. He was 
therefore brought to trial again, and the sentence then 
given against him was now held to be valid. 

Sir Walter was led to execution on Tower Hill, 
October 29, in the seventy-seventh year of his age. 
Before going to the scaffold he requested permission 
to warm himself at the fire, in order, he said, that he 
might not, by shivering, being afflicted with ague, 
betray any reluctance to meet death—a request which 
was granted him. 4 This is a sharp medicine,’ he said 
to the executioner, pointing to the axe, 4 but it is a 
physician that will cure all diseases.’ Thus, to the 
everlasting disgrace of the King, perished one 
of the most remarkable characters of an age cele¬ 
brated for its eminent men. 

It was toward the close of this memorable year 
(1618), that the celebrated Protestant Synod of Dort 
took place, at which deputies from all the Deformed 
Churches of Europe were present, in order to decide 
upon and settle the difference between the doctrines 
of Luther, Calvin, and Arminius. To attend this 
assembly, James was happy in his selection of four 
divines of moderate views — Hall, the Dean of 
Worcester, who was subsequently promoted to a 


RESULT OF THE SYNOD OF DORT. 


57 


bishopric, being one. The result was fatal to the chap. 

. hi. 

doctrines of Arminius, which were condemned—a '— re¬ 
measure without significance to every country repre¬ 
sented, Holland excepted, whose Arminian ministers 
were expelled. The result of this great Congress 
affords another proof, if such were wanting, of the 
utter futility of trying to settle mere matters of faith 
by controversy. In this country religious discussions 
had hitherto been confined to matters affecting the 
discipline, the forms, and the ceremonies of the 
Church of England; henceforth the controversy was 
to become abstract, doctrinal, and speculative. 
Strongly imbued with the doctrines of Arminius, 

James favoured only those who advocated them, and 
discouraged all others, so that the decision of the 
Dort Synod was productive of no good effect in Eng¬ 
land. That love of sacerdotal pomp and ceremony 
which the King thought it necessary to encourage 
—because, as Head of the Church, it tended to re¬ 
flect its glory upon himself—found no flatterers or 
followers among the great Puritan party, who held, in 
common with the early Reformers, the tenets of Calvin. 

The advent of Laud to power, which commenced 
shortly after this, induced many of the pious clergy, 
distinguished for their attachment to the old Cal- 
vinistic doctrines, to unite together in opposition to 
the Laudean-Arminian High-Church party. These 
became known under the denomination of Doctrinal 

r 

Puritans. Controversy had meanwhile become so 
offensive to the Court, that, in order to put a stop to 
it, James forbad the clergy to allude to such subjects 
from the pulpit: this not proving effectual, an order 


58 


CHAP. 

III. 

1618 ~ 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 

was issued suppressing the afternoon Sunday service 
altogether, and substituting the Church Catechism in 
its place. 

There were, however, other considerations more 
pressing upon the King than ecclesiastical divisions. 
The daily increasing deficiency in the public ex- 
chequer exacted the most scrutinising expedients to 
deliver it from a state of chronic collapse. Parlia¬ 
mentary subsidies were no longer to be thought of: 
benevolences had failed to bring any satisfactory 
relief; some new method must be tried, or things 
would soon come to a deadlock. The bright idea 
struck James one day, when he was out hunting, to 
raise a revenue by the sale of official posts. Fines on 
appointment to situations were to be fixed, and, in 
cases of inability to pay at once, future salaries were 
mulcted as an equivalent. Sir Francis Bacon being 
made Lord Chancellor this year, a portion of his 
official salary was thus appropriated. Heath, the 
Attorney-General, likewise submitted to the same rule. 
Others, better able to meet the outlay, preferred 
paying a sum down to have done with it, as was the 
case with the Bishop of Sarum, who paid 3,50(F. for 
his appointment. There was a Book of Rates, in which 
might be seen the amount of fines and pensions 
pa} r able on appointment to all bishoprics, deaneries, 
and public offices in England. *- 

In the midst of these schemes and contrivances, the 
King’s domestic circle received a severe shock in the 
loss of the Queen, who died in March 1619, in her forty- 
sixth year. By the issue of this marriage with Anne 
of Denmark, the royal house of Denmark became 



THE ROYAL HOUSE OF DENMARK. 


59 


intimately connected with the reigning family of chap. 
England in the Princess Elizabeth, who had lately w 
married Frederic, the Elector Palatine; and their 
child, the Princess Sophia, lived to become the wife of 
the Elector of Hanover, and the mother of George I. 
of England. 

There are two other memorable instances wherein 
this country became closely connected with the 
Danish people. The Danes made their first appear¬ 
ance as invaders on our shores, a.d. 783. For 
nearly 300 years they renewed these attempts, to the 
terror of the inhabitants, until the year 1017, when 
their conquest was completed by Canute, who became 
King. The last is that which but recently took 
place in the marriage of his Royal Highness the Prince 
of Wales (eldest son of Queen Victoria) with a princess 
of the House of Denmark. 

Reverting for a moment to the Princess Elizabeth, 
the clever wife of the Elector Palatine, whose good 
sense and talents—qualities so conspicuously possessed 
by the females of the Stuart dynasty—deserved a 
better fate, it may be mentioned that she had the 
misfortune to marry a man with plenty of ambition, 
but without the ability necessary to ensure its suc¬ 
cess. Chosen by the inhabitants of Prague (Bo¬ 
hemia being an elective monarchy), as their King, he 
was unable, with every advantage in his favour, to 
make good his position in the face of Ferdinand, 
Emperor of Germany; and, what was more a matter 
of surprise and regret, he failed to secure either the 
good services or the powerful assistance of James, his 
father-in-law, whose interference, in all probability, 




60 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, would have secured the kingdom to his daughter’s 
hi. . . & ° 

—>—" children. Driven from Bohemia, and expelled from 
1620 . . . ...... 

his own palatinate, Frederick, with his wife and family, 

fled for refuge to Holland, where they continued to 

reside for many years in poverty and neglect. 

Since the last glimpse we obtained of Oliver Crom¬ 
well, two years have elapsed—years of profligacy, 
extravagance, and dissipation, enough to break the 
heart of his pious mother, and to alienate the affections 
of his best friends and kinsmen, the Hampdens, Pyms, 
and the cousins at Hinchinbrook, in his more immediate 
neighbourhood. Brighter days were now, however, at 
hand, for his sorrowing parent: a change of mind 
took place in Oliver, which was destined to alter the 
whole future course of his life. From a debauched 
spendthrift, he suddenly became a moral and religious 
character, loving what he formerly hated, and hating 
what he formerly loved. 

Curious, and various as curious, have been the, 
attempts made by different people satisfactorily to 
explain or account for this great and permanent 
alteration in Oliver’s character. Heath, the earliest 
of his biographers, who published his memoir, called 
4 Flagellum,’ shortly after the Restoration, says: c A 
giddy inspiration seized Oliver, and he now became 
the wonder who just before was the hissing and scorn 
of all people.’ 

Sir Phillip Warwick, in his memoirs repeats a 
conversation he had with Oliver’s physician, one Dr. 
Simcott of Huntingdon, the latter saying that he had 
often been sent for at midnight to attend Mr. Crom¬ 
well, who was very splenetic, often thought he was 


GREAT CHANGE IN HIS CONDUCT. 


61 


just about to die, and that he also had fancies about chap. 

the 4 Town Cross.’ »— 

1620 

Hearing frequent allusions to the word 4 cross,’ the 
Doctor naturally concluded it was the Town Cross in 
the marketplace, which was pointed out—the only 
cross perhaps which he could comprehend; whereas, 
in all probability, the poor patient’s mind was engaged 
in contemplating a Cross quite of another kind—the 
only one which could speak peace to a guilty con¬ 
science, especially burthened as his was, and in the im¬ 
mediate presence of death, as he then thought himself. 

Another early biographer, Mark Noble, endeavours 
to show that the change in Oliver could only be satis¬ 
factorily accounted for to his having listened at length 
to his mother’s pious aspirations and admonitions; 
whilst a third speculator, one Kimber, a Dissenting 
minister, who published an anonymous work on Crom¬ 
well, states his explanation of the phenomenon to be 
that, 4 Oliver, falling into the hands of some Puritans, 
became mighty reformed, grew sober and religious.’ 

One in recent times, who has successfully contri¬ 
buted, more perhaps than any other, towards making 
the present generation acquainted with Oliver Crom¬ 
well, has pronounced the cause to have risen from 
hypochondria, brought on possibly by, or consequent 
on, his recognition of 4 Calvinistic Christianity.’ 1 

Let us now hear Cromwell, after the failure of 
others, who have vainly sought an explanation on this 
great event and the causes which led to it, in a letter 
which he wrote some years later to his cousin, Mrs. 

St. John, a lady who could thoroughly understand 

1 Carlyle. 



62 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

III. 

-,- 

1620 


and sympathise with him on the matter. 6 Alas ! you 
do too highly prize my lines and my company. I 
am ashamed to own your expressions, considering 
how unprofitable I am. Yet to honour my God, by 
declaring what He hath done for my soul, in this I 
am confident, and I will be so. Truly, then, this I 
find, that He giveth springs in a dry barren wilder¬ 
ness, where no water is . . . Truly, no poor creature 
hath more cause to put himself forth in the cause of 
his God than I. I have had plentiful ways before¬ 
hand; and I am sure I shall never earn the least 
mite. The Lord accept me in His Son, and give us 
to walk in the light, as He is in the light! He it is 
that enlighteneth our blackness and darkness. I 


dare not say He hideth His face from me. He giveth 
me to see light in His light. One beam in a dark 
place hath much refreshment in it: blessed be His 
name, for shining upon so dark a heart as mine ! You 
know what my manner of life hath been. Oh, I lived 
in and loved darkness, and hated light; I was 
the chief of sinners. This is true ; I hated godliness, 
yet God had mercy on me. Oh the riches of His 
mercy! Praise Him for me, pray for me, that He 
who hath begun a good work would perfect it till the 
day of Christ.’ 

In truth, Divine light had dispelled the moral 
darkness of his life; the ‘ one beam in a dark place ’ had 
shown him both the sin and the remedy, and with it 
the accompanying 4 refreshment ’ he stood so much in 
need of. Henceforth he could say, c Oh the riches of 
His mercy! ’ This striking alteration in Oliver’s 
conduct must have been a joyful event to his anxious 



HIS MARRIAGE WITH MISS BOUCHIER. 


63 


mother, and little less so to their relations, the Stuarts chap. 

at Ely, and the Hampdens and Barringtons in Buck- •_5^1_- 

inghamshire—all Puritans, be it observed, of the good 1620 1625 
old stamp. 

The event just recorded was speedily followed by 
another of great importance to Oliver’s future happi¬ 
ness. With the view of strengthening his pious reso¬ 
lutions, it was deemed desirable by his friends to get 
him married as soon as practicable, and in this matter 
they were ably seconded by cousin Hampden, through 
whose influence a suitable match was found in the 
family of the Boucliiers residing at Felsted, in Essex. 

Sir James Bouchier, a respected London merchant, 
had served the office of High Sheriff, when he had the 
honour of being knighted by King James, having also 
more recently served the office of Lord Mayor. The 
marriage of Oliver Cromwell with Elizabeth Bouchier 
took place in St. Giles’s Church, Cripplegate, August 
20, 1620, as the parish register of that church testifies. 

Little Master Milton, now in his twelfth year, may, 
for aught we know to the contrary, have heard the joy- 
bells ringing on this occasion, as he wended his way to 
school on that summer morning. Turning over a few 
pages of that same register, we come upon an entry 
which nearly concerns him, worth noticing; a period of 
fifty-four years occupies but a brief space in a parish 
register. Yet it embraces the lifetime of the im- 
mortal poet; for there we read, in the annals of 1674, 
that Milton lies buried in the neighbouring churchyard. 

How long a period Oliver remained in London 
after the celebration of the marriage we are not told; 
there could not probably have been much to attract 



64 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, or detain them in the gay metropolis, and the 

'-— reminiscences of his former dissipations would 

scarcely, with his present altered views, have been 
of a pleasant or agreeable character. 

Down away to his mother’s home in the Fen dis¬ 
trict, then, let us suppose our Oliver taking his 
young bride, and there, with his unmarried sisters, 
they remained for some years to come. How many of 
the five sisters there were at home at this period is not 
known; all of them were older than Oliver; he was only 
just turned twenty-one. Doubtless some were married, 
and so out of the way of the young couple. All five 
were married eventually—three to husbands whose 
names appear subsequently in the list of the regicides. 
The youngest, Robina, was married to Doctor French, 
a canon of Christchurch, Oxford; and her only 
daughter became the wife of John Tillotson, Arch¬ 
bishop of Canterbury; and subsequently, after his 
death, she married Doctor Wilkins, Bishop of Chester. 

Of Oliver’s uncles and aunts there appears a goodly 
1 number living at this period. The old grandfather, 

Sir Henry, who died in 1603, had eleven children_ 

six sons and five daughters. The eldest inherited 
Hinchinbrook, and had a numerous family, who 
subsequently, during the civil wars, embraced the 
royal cause. Another uncle, Henry of Upwood, had 
three children; his only daughter was married to 
Oliver St. John, Lord Chief Justice of the Common 
Pleas, the lady to whom Oliver wrote the interest¬ 
ing letter just quoted. The aunts appear to 
have married into good county families. Elizabeth 
married William Hampden, and their child was John 




HIS WIFE AND FIRST CHILD. 


65 


Hampden, the patriot; Joan married Sir Francis 
Barrington, Bart.; Frances married Richard Whalley, 
Esq., of Kirkston; and of the two last, Mary became 
the wife of Sir William Dunch, of Little Wittenham, 
and Dorothy married Sir Thomas Fleming, a son of 
the Lord Chief Justice. 

For some years after their marriage, Oliver Crom- 
well and his wife continued to attend the parish church, 
and lived on friendly terms with the clergy of the neigh¬ 
bourhood, who spoke of his transition from ‘vice to 
virtue as extraordinary ’; he was, say they, at this time 
no way given to Nonconformity, but liked the com¬ 
pany and discourses of the orthodox divines of the 
Church of England. Oliver’s wife, we are told, was 
by no means handsome, or even good-looking; but 
this, says Noble, was ‘compensated for by the fortune 
she brought him ’ (which, after all, must have been 
inconsiderable), and by her ‘ virtue and good sense.’ 

Their first child, Robert, was born in October 1621, 
and baptised at St. John’s Church, according to the 
parish register, on the 13th of the same month. 

The next ten years in the life of Oliver are almost 
a blank, so far as contemporaneous history throws 
any light. Let us suppose him following the ordinary 
occupations of an agriculturist: riding on horseback 
to the adjoining towns on market and fair-days; 
visiting his neighbours; providing for the wants of 
an increasing family; and talking over public affairs, 
which daily became more gloomy under the growing 
tyranny of the Court. 

Towards the close of the year 1624, the King’s 
financial difficulties had so multiplied, that he was 

F 


CHAP. 

III. 


1620-1625 



60 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, forced at length, reluctantly enough, to assemble a 
'—-—' Parliament, which met the following January. In 
i62i-i625 p- g g p eec ] 1 f rom the throne on this occasion, he com¬ 
menced by reminding them how often his appeals for 
pecuniary assistance had been beforetime in vain. 
4 It has pleased God,’ he said, 4 seeing some vanity in 
me, to send back my words as wine spit in my own 
face, so as I may truly say, 44 I have piped unto you, 
and ye have not danced; I have mourned, and ye 
have not lamented.” ’ He then proceeded to tell them 
what were their duties, and wherefore they were called 
together—namely, 4 to give the King advice in such 
errands as he shall ask, or that they shall think fit 
to ask his advice in.’ 

The Parliament at once acquiesced in a grant of two 
subsidies, and next proceeded to discuss the griev¬ 
ances of the nation. Monopolies were especially felt a 
great burthen ; this system had extended to the most 
trifling details of trade: a man could not keep an inn, 
or open an alehouse, without purchasing the right to 
do so from the patentee of this monopoly. Another 
and a more vexatious one in those days, when gold 
and silver lace were worn by almost everyone above the 
lower orders, was that granted to Sir Giles Mompes- 
son and Sir Francis Michel, for the exclusive manu¬ 
facture of these articles. Not satisfied with extensive 
privileges, these worthies, instead of manufacturing a 
genuine article, produced a counterfeit made of copper 
and other poisonous metals, to the injury, we are told, 
of those who made and those who wore them. The 
patentees were found guiltjq and atoned for their 
offence by fine and imprisonment—not, however 


CORRUPTION IN HIGH PLACES. 


67 


without a considerable share of the odium attached to chap. 

the transaction falling upon the King and his minister •-' 

Buckingham, who were suspected of having connived 1621-1625 
at the imposition and shared in the plunder. But this 
was peculiarly an age when corruption, duplicity, and 
peculation equally prevailed among the higher classes 
as in those of the merchant and tradesman. A more 
scandalous case shortly after came to light; no less a 
personage than the Lord High Chancellor of England, 
the illustrious Lord Bacon, was accused and proved 
to have taken bribes in the public administration of 
justice. Nor was this a solitary exception; for the 
Judge of the Prerogative Court, Sir John Bennet, 
and also the Attorney-General, Sir John Yelverton, 
were equally proved to have committed the same 
grave offence. 

Into the disputes between James and his Par¬ 
liament we have no desire to enter: remonstrances, 
refusals of supplies, and sudden dismissals resulted, 
as is well known, in alienating the affections of his 
subjects, and preparing them for the catastrophe 
which happened in the next reign. 

Subsidies, when granted, were put to an improper 
use, and forced loans, called benevolences, were exacted 
from wealthy individuals, under the threat, in case of 
non-compliance, of foreign service with the army in 
the Palatinate. Of this latter fact, a curious instance 
is on record, of a wealthy cheesemonger, who had the 
alternative placed before him, either of giving to the 
King 200/., supplying the army with cheese, or 
serving in it abroad. Being an old man, upwards of 

F 2 


68 


CHAP. 

III. 


1621-1625 


. LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 

eighty years of age, lie yielded to the exaction, and 
paid the money. 

It was a new thing in this reign to mention or talk 
about the privileges of Parliament, and of a constitu¬ 
tional government; James ignored all other rule but 
that of the royal prerogative. 4 Your privileges,’ he 
wrote to the Commons from Newmarket, in answer to 
one of their remonstrances— 4 Your privileges were 
not derived, as you say, from ancient and undoubted 
right, but from the grace and permission of our 
ancestors and Us ! And, for the most part, have 
grown from precedents which show rather a toleration 
than an inheritance .... Your House had need 
beware of trenching upon the prerogative of the 
Crown, which would enforce us, or any just king, to 
retrench them.’ 

Against this doctrine the Commons entered a pro¬ 
test, wherein they assert 4 that the maintenance and 
making of laws, and the redress of mischiefs and 
grievances, are proper subjects and matters of council 
and debate in Parliament. That freedom of speech 
ought by right to belong to every member, and 
that every member hath like freedom from all 
impeachments, imprisonments, and molestations.’ 
Roused by this tone of boldness and independence, 
his Majesty came in person to the Council Chamber, 
and summoning the Judges, he declared, in their pre¬ 
sence, 1 the said protestation to be invalid, annulled, 
void, and of no effect, and ordered the said protesta¬ 
tion to be taken out of the Journal Book, by the clerk 
of the Commons’ House of Parliament.’ Nor did his 
resentment stop here, for he dissolved the Parliament, 



DEATH OF KING JAMES THE FIRST. 


69 


and issued a warrant against several members, who chap. 

° jjl 

had taken the most prominent part in the opposition. -—^—' 
Sir Edward Coke, Sir Robert Phillips, Mr. Selden, 1621-1625 
Pym, Mallery, and several others, were committed 
to prison, or sent in banishment and disgrace to 
Ireland. Prince Charles, whose sympathies appear 
at this time to have leaned towards the Parliament, 
interceded with his father on behalf of Sir Edward 
Coke; but the King curtly replied, that c he knew no 
such man/ and swore L there was one Captain Coke, 
the leader of the faction in Parliament/ 

The few remaining years of the monarch’s life were 
spent, for the most part, in hopeless intrigues with 
Spain, in endeavouring to bring about the marriage 
of his son with the Infanta, which at length was 
broken off, to the joy of the English nation, who 
testified their delight by the kindling of bonfires and 
ringing of parish-bells throughout the country. 

King James died, after a short illness, in March 
1625, in his fifty-ninth year, and the twenty-second 
of his reign. It has been said, with much truth, that 
during this period the English nation had been made 
a byword and reproach in the eyes of all Europe. 

Her merchants no longer obtained either credit or 
respect, and were often afraid to show their faces 
at a foreign bourse, by reason of the King’s pusil¬ 
lanimous conduct. The Court is described as a nur¬ 
sery of lust and intemperance. Oaths became fash¬ 
ionable, the King himself setting the example. From 
the pulpits rang frequent denunciations against the 
folly, insolence, and imprudence of women in the upper 
circles—the natural fruit of a vicious and corrupt 
Court. 



LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 

c The Book of Sports ’ had become the textbook of 
the country. Baxter, who was then a youth, bears 
testimony to the profanation of the sabbath at that 
period. The inhabitants of the village where his 
lather resided were accustomed to dance round the 
Maypole, whilst his parents, with three or four other 
families, who were shocked at such profanity, joined 
together to spend the day in acts of devotion; for 
which, says Baxter, they were reviled as Puritans. 
Mrs. Hutchinson, who wrote the memoirs of her 
husband, Colonel Hutchinson—herself a young girl 
during the closing years of James I.—describes the 
Court of Charles I. as 4 chaste, temperate, and se¬ 
rious/ in comparison to that over which his father 
presided. 

It is noticeable and significant, in reference to Arch¬ 
bishop Laud, that just in proportion as that prelate 
gained ascendancy, so did the tendency towards 
ritualism increase, and the separation between classes 
became wider and more distinct; until at length, by 
degrees, we find the nation divided into two antago¬ 
nistic elements, represented by the King, the High 
Church party, and the Papists, on the one side, and the 
great bulk of the nation, for the most part Puritan, 
on the other. Finally, let it be remembered that this 
state of things was brought about by hierarchical folly 
and presumption, acting on the inflated notions of the 
monarch in reference to the royal prerogative; which, in 
its turn, provoked and drove into hostility a large class 
of nominal churchmen, of no particular or distinctive 
views about religion who, under the name of State 
Puritans, henceforth distinguished themselves by their 


BIRTH OF RICHARD CROMWELL. 


71 


marked opposition to the ruling power, both in Church 
and State, resulting, as is well known, in civil war. 
To this let it be added, that the new bishops chosen 
by James admitted the Church of Rome to be a true 
Church, and the Pope the first bishop of Christendom. 
They also declared for the lawfulness of images in 
churches; for the real presence in the Eucharist; for 
confession to a priest; and the merit of good works to 
entitle a sinner, on the score of desert, to participate in 
the scheme of redemption. 

Such, then, was the inheritance bequeathed to the 
unfortunate monarch who succeeded, and a brief 
career in the same footsteps was all that was necessary 
to bring about the inevitable catastrophe which ensued. 

Three or four children were by this date born to 
Oliver Cromwell. The eldest, Robert, had died early. 
Oliver, the second child, lived to manhood, and 
died on the battlefield early in the civil war. Bridget, 
a daughter, came next, with whom we shall meet 
hereafter—first, as the wife of Ireton, and secondly, 
as the wife of Fleetwood. On October 4, 1626, 
Richard Cromwell was born. Circumstances con¬ 
nected with the baptism of this child are interesting, 
inasmuch as the first authentic record of Oliver, in 
his own handwriting, has been preserved in a letter 
he wrote to a college-friend at Cambridge, asking 
him to stand godfather to his child: — 

6 To my approved good friend Mr. Henry Downhall , 

at his chambers in St. John's College , Cambridge. 

‘ Loving Sir,—M ake me so much your servant by 
being godfather to my child. I would myself have 
come over to make a formal invitation, but my occa- 


CHAP. 

Til 

1621-1625 


72 


CIIAP. 

III. 


1621-1626 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 

sions would not permit me, and therefore hold me 
in that excused. The day of your trouble is Thursday 
next. Let me entreat your company on Wednesday. 
By this time it appears I am more apt to encroach 
upon you for new favours, than to show my thankful¬ 
ness for the love I have already found. But I know 
your patience, and your goodness cannot be ex¬ 
hausted by your friend and servant, 

‘ Oliver Cromwell.’ 

The circumstance of Oliver inviting a clergyman of 
the Church of England to become sponsor to one of his 
children, proves at least this much, that up to this 
time he had not separated from the Establishment. 

Of Mr. Downhall’s subsequent history, all that is 
important to mention may here be inserted. Shortly 
after the christening he was appointed vicar of St. 
Ives, a living in the gift of St. John’s, in which college 
he had held a fellowship upwards of twelve years. In 
after-years he distinguished himself as an anti-Puritan 
malignant, and during the civil war was frequently 
in trouble; on one occasion, he was taken into custody 
of the Sergeant-at-arms, by order of the Long Parlia¬ 
ment, for refusing to admit a lecturer to preach in the 
parish church. This happened in the year 1642; the 
year following he was dispossessed of his living, for 
keeping curates who would persevere in the obser¬ 
vance of certain church ceremonies which had been 
forbidden, and for being an enemy to the Parliament. 
He survived to see the Restoration, and, as a reward 
for his constancy to the royal cause, he was made 
Archdeacon of Huntingdon. 



73 


CHAPTER IV. 

Archbishop Laud at Whitehall—Death and last Moments of King James 
—The Funeral and Postmortem Examination—Marriage of King 
Charles and Henrietta of France—Visitations of the Great Pestilence 
—The Duke of Buckingham First Minister—The First Parliament and 
the Speech of the King—Two Subsidies granted—Parliament ad¬ 
journed to Oxford—Discussions of Grievances—The King resorts to a 
Forced Loan—Failure of the Fleet under Viscount Wimbledon—Par 
liament condemns the Advisers of the King for Misapplication of the 
Subsidy—Charge against the Duke of Buckingham—His Impeachment 
and Debate thereon—Royal Message to the Commons and their Inter¬ 
view with His Majesty—Sir John Eliot and others sent to the Tower 
—The Commons petition the King—Parliament dissolved—Financial 
Difficulties of the Court—The Attorney-General devises a Scheme for 
replenishing the Exchequer—Domestic Troubles of the Royal Family— 
Priestly Interference therein—The King dismisses the French Retinue, 
Priests included—Discontent among the Fleet—The King obliged 
to call another Parliament—Oliver Cromwell Member for Huntingdon 
—The King’s Speech and the Debate thereon—Sir Edward Coke’s 
bold Declaration — Constitutional Freedom not understood by the 
Stuarts—The Act of Edward II. and the Consent of Parliament to all 
Laws—Social Organisation and its Laws of Development—Continued 
Disputes between the King and the Parliament—Remonstrance sent 
by the Commons to His Majesty—Graphic Description of the Member 
for Malton, an Eye-witness of the Scene he describes as taking place in 
the House—Abrupt Termination of the Session—Assassination of the 
Duke of Buckingham—Meeting of ParliamentyPuritan Ascendency in 
the House—The First Speech of Cromwell—Taxes formerly granted 
at the Commencement of each Reign—Tonnage and Poundage—Taxes 
which led to Disputes with the King, and ultimately to Civil War— 
Scene of Confusion in the Commons—The Speaker forcibly held down 
in his Chair whilst the Protest is read and passed—Parliament dis¬ 
solved—The King issues a Proclamation—His Majesty decides on 
governing without a Parliament—Lay Impropriations—Laud’s Efforts 
to get hold of them—His annual Report to the King on the State and 
Discipline of the Church. 


Laud, now Bishop of St. David’s, was preaching at 
Whitehall on Sunday, March 27, 1625, when the news 


r CHAP. 
IV. 


1625 


74 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

IV. 


1625J 


of the death of King James reached London. 1 There 
was a’Ypeedy interruption to the discourse of the 
prelate, occasioned by this intelligence, which spread 
through the chapel, and the service was quickly 
brought to a conclusion. 

The last moments of the deceased monarch appear 
to have been tranquil. Two days before he died he 
received the sacrament, and, in answer to the ques¬ 
tion whether he would receive priestly absolution, he 
replied: 4 Yes, as it is practised in the English Church, 
I ever approved it; but in the dark way of the 
Church of Rome, I do defy it.' This fact is vouched 
for by Sir Edward Conway, who adds, ‘I had the 
honour and comfort to receive it with him. 7 

So thoroughly convinced were the Papists that the 
King would at the last acknowledge his belief in the 
Roman Catholic faith, that it required all the dili¬ 
gence of the Lord Keeper Williams to keep them 
from the dying monarch’s bedside. c The Papists/ 
says an old writer, 4 thought themselves sure of him, 
and crept much about the chamber-door when he 
was dying; but Williams, the Lord Keeper, commanded 
them to keep at a distance.’ 2 

Charles hurried up to London on the Sunday 
afternoon from Theobalds (where the King died), 
attended by Dr. Preston and the Duke of Bucking¬ 
ham. They probably heard the heralds proclaiming 

1 1 Midlent, Sunday , March 27.—I preached at Whitehall. I ascended 
the pulpit much troubled, and in a very melancholy momen the report 
then spread that his Majesty King James, of most sacred memory to me, 
was dead. Being interrupted with the dolours of the Duke of Bucking¬ 
ham, I broke off my sermon.’— Laud's Diary. 

1 Oldmixon, 



MARRIAGE OF KING CHARLES AND HENRIETTA. 


75 


the new King as they drove through the streets, chap. 
which presented a more than usually crowded state -—^3-—- 
on that sabbath evening. 1620 

The great Solon of the age was no more! 4 The 
wisest fool in Christendom’—as he afterwards came 
to be considered, from the wonderful craftiness he 
showed in the pursuit and attainment of little things— 
had passed away into the land of forgetfulness. 

Then followed the post-mortem examination, the 
lying-in-state, the funeral, and all was over. The 
cause which led to the first of these was a suspicion 
that he had been poisoned by the Duke of Bucking¬ 
ham, who was said to have given the King a potion 
with his own hands, and also applied a plaister to his 
side without the advice of the physicians. There 
is extant a circumstantial account of this curious 
medical examination, in a letter of the time, from 
which the following is an extract: 4 His head was so 
strong as they could hardly break it open with a 
chisel and a saw, and so full of brains as they could 
not upon the opening keep them from spilling—a 
great mark of his infinite judgment.’ 

Short was the interval between the funeral of the 
father and the marriage of the son. The latter took place 
at Paris, the favourite, Buckingham, being sent over 
as proxy for his royal master; and the clever hand¬ 
some Henrietta, daughter of Henry IV. of France, 
then in her seventeenth year, became Queen of 
Great Britain and Ireland. Her first interview with 
Charles took place at Canterbury; she had arrived, 
after a prolonged voyage of twenty hours, the even¬ 
ing before, at Dover, from Boulogne. The following 



76 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

III. 

--- r - 

1625 


extract from a letter affords an amusing glimpse of 
the royal manners and customs of the period:— 

4 The King rode from Dover. The Queen was at 
meat when he arrived—he stayed till she had done— 
which when she was advertised of, [she] made short 
work, rose, went out unto him, kneeled down at his 
feet, took and kissed his hand. The King then took 
her up in his arms, kissed her, and talking with her, 
cast down his eyes towards her feet (she seeming 
higher than report was, reaching to his shoulder), which 
she, soon perceiving, discovered and showed him her 
shoes, saying, “ Sir, I stand upon my own feet; I have 
no helps by art; thus high I am, and am neither 
higher or lower.’” 1 

The celebration of the marriage took place in 
England during the visitation of the plague, and 
when London was in mourning and lamentation for 
the most dreadful pestilence that had ever yet visited 
this country. In one week, we are told, upwards of 
5,000 had died; the streets were ‘ overgrown with 
grass to Westminster Hall, and scarce anyone to be 
seen in them.’ 2 The Queen was unable to remain in 
town, and the Parliament adjourned to Oxford. 

It is somewhat remarkable, that the three greatest 
visitations of the plague in this country occurred in 
the reigns of the Stuarts, and happened at eventful 
periods in the history of the three first monarchs of 
that dynasty. The first of these was at the acces¬ 
sion of James, when upwards of 30,000 persons were 
carried off; the second is that we have just men¬ 
tioned, when 35,000 died; and the last, called the 


1 Court of Charles I. 


2 Whitelock’s Memorials. 




PARLIAMENT AND THE NEW KING. 


77 


Great Plague, commenced shortly after the Restora¬ 
tion, when from 60,000 to 100,000 fell victims to its 
ravages. 

The Duke of Buckingham continued under the new 
monarch, as he had been in the last reign, the principal 
adviser of the Crown. One of the first acts he was 
called upon to perform, was that of tendering to his 
Majesty a list of clergymen for the office of chaplains. 
Care was of course taken to exclude all who were 
personally obnoxious to Laud and the High Church 
party; the list had, in fact, been drawn up by that 
prelate. It is needless to add, that no minister sus¬ 
pected of Puritan tendencies found himself included 
among those submitted for approval. The militia 
and trainbands next demanded his attention. During 
the previous reign these forces had fallen into neglect 
and disuse; but a general muster was now ordered 
throughout the country. It will shortly be seen to 
what strange uses these were subsequently put. 

Parliament having met on June 18, the King, in 
his speech, told the House that, the subsidies granted 
in the last Parliament being spent, further supplies 
were immediately necessary. On the subject of reli¬ 
gion, the King went on to say : 4 1 do assure you, 
that I may with St. Paul say, that I have been trained 
at the feet of Gamaliel [his father], and all the world 
shall see that none are more desirous to maintain the 
religion I profess than I shall be.’ The Parliament, 
however, was by no means so sanguine as to the nature 
of the instructions of Gamaliel, if we may judge by 
what followed; for one of their first acts was to pre¬ 
sent a petition to his Majesty against Popish recusants, 


CHAP. 

IV. 

1625 


78 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

IV. 

1625 


it having transpired, that in the secret marriage 
treaty there had been inserted a clause exempt¬ 
ing the property of Roman Catholics from being 
searched as heretofore, and also another clause, stipu¬ 
lating that all of that faith at present in prison for 
refusing the oath of supremacy should be set at liberty, 
and their goods restored. 

Notwithstanding the determination of the two 
Houses to discuss their grievances before entering 
upon any other business, they decided on granting 
two subsidies, as a conciliatory preliminary at the 
commencement of the new reign. The Act for the 
subsidies was no sooner passed, than the King, under 
the pretence of the plague then raging in the metro¬ 
polis, adjourned the Parliament to Oxford. As the 
sole object of the monarch in calling them together 
had been for the present accomplished, his desire was 
to prevent the transaction of all other business; they, 
nevertheless, proceeded to debate on the subject of 
grievances. It was in vain he sent repeated messages. 
The House continued obdurate, so that, at the last, the 
Parliament was hastily dissolved, but not soon enough 
to prevent the declaration which the Commons had 
drawn up, setting forth their wish to enquire into the 
manner their previous subsidies had been disposed of, 
and into the grievances under which the country 
groaned. 

Among the few Acts passed this Session, were two 
which plainly indicated the temper of the times—one 
against tippling in alehouses on Sundays, the other for 
the punishment of abuses and neglect of the sabbath. 

To carry on the war with Spain—a legacy be- 


A SECOND PARLIAMENT ASSEMBLED. 


79 


queathed to him by his father—Charles was obliged to 
resort to a forced loan. The lord-lieutenants of counties 
were therefore required to furnish a list of persons in 
their districts able to assist in the required subsidy. 
At the same time the King issued a conciliatory 
mandate, wherein he explained his necessities, adding: 
i We doubt not but we shall receive such a testimony 
of your good affection, and that with such alacrity as 
may make the same so much more acceptable; espe¬ 
cially seeing we require but that sum which few men 
would deny a friend, which we promise to repay to 
you within eighteen months after payment thereof.’ 

This loan, small as it was, enabled the fleet, consist¬ 
ing of eighty sail, under the command of Edward 
Cecil, Yiscount Wimbledon, to put to sea, with the 
view of intercepting the Spanish galleons returning 
from the silver-mines. The expedition however failed 
—the Spaniards got home in safety; and, the loan being 
all spent, the King was compelled by his pressing wants 
to call together another Parliament, which met accord¬ 
ingly on the following 6th of February. Previous to 
issuing the writs, his councillors, Buckingham and 
Laud, whose object it was to exclude certain persons 
obnoxious to the Court, caused those individuals to 
be pricked for sheriffs, thus disqualifying them for 
serving as knights of the shire in the new House. Sir 
Edward Coke, Sir Robert Phillips, and Sir Thomas 
Wentworth—names not associated with feudal gran¬ 
deur, but great in the history of England—were espe¬ 
cially aimed at by this stratagem. 

A proclamation was also issued, requiring all 
persons who were possessed of 40/. a year in landed 


CHAP. 

IV. 


1626 



80 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, property, to receive the order of knighthood, paying 
'—^—' of course the stipulated fees. 

Persevering in the determination of the former 
Parliament, not to discuss other matters until griev¬ 
ances had been ventilated, the House, on its meeting, 
resolved itself into a Committee, and passed a resolu¬ 
tion, condemning the King’s advisers, and charging 
them with diminishing the strength of the kingdom, 
countenancing Papists, not guarding sufficiently the 
narrow seas, multiplying civil and ecclesiastical 
pluralities, the delivery of ships to the French, and 
gross misapplication of the last subsidy. As most of 
these charges reflected principally on the Duke of 
Buckingham, notice was given him by the House of 
its intention to debate upon these matters, in order 
that he might be in his place to defend himself. 

The King, seeing the temper of the Commons, and 
their determination to discuss the conduct of his 
favourite Minister, sent a message to put a stop to 
further debate. 1 1 will not,’ remarks his Majesty, 
1 allow any of my servants to be questioned by you 
.... Apply yourselves to redress grievances, not to 
enquire after them .... I would that you should 
hasten for my supplies, or else it will be worse for 
yourselves; for if any ill happen, I think I shall be 
the last to feel it.’ 

Alas for his own obstinacy! He was ultimately 
among the first, instead of the last, to feel the conse¬ 
quences he now threatened. The House nevertheless 
persevered, and a motion for the impeachment of the 
Duke was carried, on the proposition of Dr. Turner, 
4 that common fame be a good ground of proceeding 



IMPEACHMENT OF THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM. 


for the House.’ Another member, Mr. Clement Coke, 
son of Sir Edward, also boldly declared, c that it were 
better to die by an enemy than to suffer at home.’ 
As if, however, to qualify this bold and hostile step, 
they at the same time voted more subsidies; but the 
King’s anger was now roused to the utmost, for, on 
learning that the impeachment had been decided on, 
he summoned the Lords and Commons into his 
presence. ‘ I am come here,’ he told them, ‘to show 
you your errors;’ then, turning to Lord Keeper 
Coventry, he commanded him to intimate to them his 
royal will and pleasure. The Lord Keeper began by 
stating that his Majesty demanded justice against Mr. 
Coke and Dr. Turner for their seditious speeches; 
that, as regarded the Duke of Buckingham, the King 
better knew than any man living the sincerity of the 
Duke’s proceedings; ‘and as to their pretending to 
know how to manage foreign businesses, to be censured 
and traduced by men whose years and education 
cannot attain to that depth—this his Majesty holds 
as insufferable.’ The King now took up the subject, 
and said, ‘ It is not the way to deal with a king! Mr. 
Coke told you that it was better to die by an enemy 
than to suffer at home; but I think it more honour 
for a king to be invaded and almost destroyed by a 
foreign enemy, than to be despised by his own sub¬ 
jects.’ 

The Duke, notwithstanding, was impeached, and the 
King adjourned the House for a week. On reassem¬ 
bling, they still persevered in their charges against 
the favourite; and after a long debate, in which Sir 
John Eliot and Sir Dudley Digges took a leading 



82 


CHAP. 

IV. 


1626 - 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 

part, their proceedings were suspended by an act of 
violence on the part of the King, who committed Sir 
John Eliot and Sir Dudley Digges to the Tower. The 
Commons at once resolved to proceed on no business 
until their two members were restored. Digges suf¬ 
fered himself to be prevailed upon to explain away 
his meaning, and was set at liberty; Sir John Eliot, 
after a few days’ imprisonment, was released without 
making any explanation. 

This concession, had it stood alone, might have 
materially assisted in restoring the confidence and 
good understanding, which the proceedings of the last 
few days had interrupted, between Charles and his 
Parliament. Unable, however, to conceal his anger, 
he gave vent to it in a very offensive form, by causing 
Buckingham—the charges against him in the im¬ 
peachment being still unanswered—to be appointed 
Chancellor of the University of Cambridge, which 
happened at that moment to be vacant—a proceeding 
which naturally produced great irritation in the 
House of Commons. 

At length, on June 8, the Duke sent in his 
answer to the impeachment, and two days later 
the Speaker received an intimation of his Majesty’s 
intention, after a week’s interval, to adjourn the 
House, and directing them to employ that period in 
passing the necessary subsidies. No allusion was 
made to the Duke’s impeachment. Upon this the 
members agreed to wait upon the King in a body, 
with a declaration and petition. The results of this 
interview were most unfortunate: the King, greatly 
displeased with the tone and contents of these two 



VARIOUS DEVICES FOR RAISING MONEY. 


83 


documents, determined, be the consequences what chap. 
they might in reference to the financial state of the s 
exchequer, to dissolve the Parliament forthwith. The 
Commons, however, determined to be beforehand 
with him, hastened back in time to draw up a remon¬ 
strance. They were not, however, soon enough to 
present it before the dissolution took place. Thus 
ended disastrously the second Parliament of Charles I. 

Now came the grand financial difficulty with the 
Court: how to raise means to meet immediate demands 
became the question. In this emergency, Noy, the 
Attorney-General, devised a scheme for raising a loan 
from the port of London and the chief ports around 
the coast, under the pretence of furnishing ships to 
guard the British seas. Another project from the 

• 

same fertile source was also set on foot, under the 
title of 4 general benevolence’; the novel method of 
extorting compliance, on the part of those who refused 
to give anything, was adopted of billeting soldiers, 
who frequently committed great outrages with im¬ 
punity on those families who were unfortunate enough 
to suffer this infliction. But still more severe was 
the penalty inflicted in some instances: compulsory 
military service in a foreign land, or to serve as a 
common sailor in the King’s ships, was not unfre- 
quently the sentence some had to endure for refusal 
or inability to pay. A further proof of the hasty and 
rapid strides the Court was now taking towards 
despotic government, is afforded in the fact that, at 
the Council-table, the King caused it to be debated 
whether, on a subject’s refusal to take press-money, 
he should not be tried by martial law, and, if guilty, 

u 2 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 

hanged upon the nearest tree to his dwelling, for an 
example and terror to others. 

The subserviency of the Bishops whenever they sate, 
either at the Council-table or in the Star Chamber, 
showed itself by their votes, for they nearly always 
decided according to what would be most acceptable 
to his Majesty. 

The King’s necessities unquestionably were very 
urgent—so much so, that the officers about the Court, 
and even the domestic servants of the palace, had not 
received their wages, which were three years in arrear. 
Already engaged in war with Spain—also with Austria, 
for the recovery of the Palatinate—he now found him¬ 
self on the eve of a misunderstanding with France, 
brought on as follows. According to the marriage- 
treaty, the Queen had brought to this country a con¬ 
siderable retinue of priests and servants; but the 
arrogance of the former had become so intoler¬ 
able, that Charles could no longer submit to it. 

The immediate cause, however, of his interference 
was occasioned by the Queen herself, whose blind im¬ 
plicit obedience to their behests induced her, at the 
order of her confessor, to walk from the palace to 
Tyburn, by way of penance. The King resented this 
ghostly counsel by dismissing the whole French 
retinue, priests included, all of whom were despatched 
to their own country in high dudgeon. The offen¬ 
sively peremptory manner in which this was carried 
out is evidenced in the following letter, written by 
the King to the Duke of Buckingham, dated August 
26 , 1626 :— 



COURTLY PREACHERS. 


85 


k Steinie, — I have received your letter by Dr. Green, chap. 
This is my answer: I command }ou to send all the '—■— 
French away to-morrow out of the town, if you can by 
fair means (but stick not long in disputing); other¬ 
wise force them away, driving them like beasts until 
you have shipped them, and so the devil go with 
them ! Let me have no answer but of the performance 
of my command. So I rest, your faithful, constant, 
loving friend, Charles R.’ 

Doctors Sibthorp and Mainwaring, two staunch 
advocates for the King’s supremacy, made themselves 
notoriously conspicuous this autumn (1626), by 
preaching and publishing sermons in favour of absolute 
monarchy. The latter asserted that the King was 
not bound to observe the laws of the realm concerning' 

O 

his subjects’ rights and liberties, but that he could, 
without the consent of Parliament, impose loans and 
taxes obligatory on the subject, under pain of eternal 
damnation. 

It is a melancholy proof of the favour these doctrines 
received at Court, when it is added that Abbot, the 
Archbishop of Canterbury, was suspended from all his 
functions, and confined to his country-house near 
' Canterbury, for refusing to license Sib thorp’s sermon. 

It is told of Mainwaring, that, having applied to a 
friend, to furnish him with all the ancient precedents 
he could find in favour of absolute monarchy, his 
friend replied that the only precedent he could meet 
with 4 was one which would surely hang him; ’ and if 
he lived to see another Parliament, he would be sure 


86 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, of a 1 halter .’ The sermons, however, were licensed, 
iv. . 

—•-- and by one whose willingness to oblige the Court 

there was no doubt of. Laud gave the necessary 

legal qualification, and thus the sermons got printed 

and circulated—a circumstance which told, however, 

against that prelate in time to come. 

Another instance of the arbitrary tendencies of the 
Court at this period, is the case of Sir John Eliot, 
who, with others, had been sent to prison for refusing 
to lend the King money. On aj^plication being made 
that he might be brought to trial, the Judges 
unanimously refused the writ of 4 habeas corpus,’ in 
obedience to the wishes of the Court. Deep murmurs 
were now heard throughout the country against the 
Duke of Buckingham, who, in addition to the other 
charges, had to answer for the failure of the fleet in 
an expedition against the Isle of Ilhe; he having 
been the Admiral, although knowing nothing practi¬ 
cally of naval matters. 

There was, besides all these troubles, the growing 
discontent of the navy, the sailors not having re¬ 
ceived their pay, through the failure of the loan on 
which the prosecution of the war with France depend¬ 
ed. Charles, therefore, found himself placed in the 
extremity of all others he most wished to avoid— 
that of being obliged to call another Parliament, 
which he was reluctantly compelled to do for March 
27 ensuing. 

O 

In this third Parliament of Charles I., the name 
of Oliver Cromwell for the first time appears, he 
having been returned member for the town of Hun¬ 
tingdon. 




DEBATE ON REDRESS OF GRIEVANCES. 


87 


The King delivered his speech as usual, in which 
he told them plainly, in a few brief words, 4 That 
common danger was the cause of this Parliament, 
and that supply was the chief end of it ’; that, 
‘in his judgment, the calling of them together was 
the best way to get the supply; yet he must, in the 
discharge of his duty, tell them that if they failed 
him in this matter, he must, in the discharge of 
his conscience, use other means which God had put 
into his hands.’ At the same time, he warned them 
‘ not to take as a threat what was only intended as 
an admonition.’ 

The House gravely listened, in silence, to these 
ominous words, and then proceeded to debate, as 
formerly, upon their grievances, which now embraced 
a long catalogue of evils—benevolences, forced loans, 
billeting of soldiers, privy seals, imprisonment and 
arbitrary suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, besides 
several others; and a resolution was carried, that ‘ no 
supplies be granted until these be redressed.’ Early 
in the debate, the veteran advocate, Sir Edward Coke, 
made a bold declaration. 1 I will,’ said he, c begin 
with a noble record; it is worthy to be written in 
letters of gold: Loans against the will of the subject 
are against reason.’ The House, after a short debate, 
decided unanimously — 1 That no freeman ought to be 
imprisoned, without cause shown, either by the King 
or the Council. That the Habeas Corpus Act ought in 
that case to be in force, and if no cause of commit¬ 
ment be returned, the party is to be bailed.’ In 
addition to this, it was voted that ‘ no tax ought to 
be imposed without the assent oi Parliament. 


CHAP. 

IV. 

1627 


88 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 

chap. In the early days of the struggle for freedom, 
'—v-— startling as* it may seem to the present generation, 
16 “ 8 there was a necessity most urgent, that Parliament 
should thus solemnly put on record these declarations, 
which have become the Magna Charta in all subse¬ 
quent times. Axioms such as those just enunci¬ 
ated belong, one would have thought, to the dawn 
of political existence, rather than to the period which 
followed Queen Elizabeth and the Tudors; but the 
doctrines of toleration and constitutional liberty were 
still in their infancy in the days of the Stuarts, and 
if leading men of mind and intellect, as Bacon, Luther, 
and Calvin, knew but little of the former, how much 
less so was to be expected from one who had been 
the pupil of f the wisest fool in Christendom’ ? 

The 15th of Edward II. declares the necessity of 
obtaining the consent of Parliament to all laws, and 
there is no instance on record where this statute has 
been abrogated. The elaborate system under which 
this nation is now governed was of no sudden 
growth. It was the work of centuries, and the tide 
of revolution had to sweep over the land; the bap¬ 
tism of blood had to be gone through, ere that work 
was accomplished. It has been well remarked, that ‘if 
we have been delivered from a destroying revolution 
in the nineteenth century, it was because we had a 
preserving one in the seventeenth.’ 1 

The Stuarts from the first never understood the 
exigence of their position; those great despotic 
continental monarchies which James took for his 
model had for generations lost all traces of a Con- 

1 Macaulay. 


mainwaring’s case in the commons. 


89 


stitution. To expect a free people, accustomed to 
representative government, tamely to submit to an 
arbitrary and despotic one, is simply an absurdity, 
only equal to that of expecting to see a nation at 
once becoming republican, because the governing 
body for the time being happens to have republican 
tendencies. The social organism has its laws of 
growth and development, which are in their nature as 
inflexible and undeviating as those that govern the 
material world around us, and history furnishes 
abundant proofs that every advance in social science 
has been an addition to its civilisation, happiness, and 
wellbeing. 

It were an almost endless task to follow the King 
and the Parliament, this year, through their disputes 
about prerogative on the one side, and grievances on 
the other. The issue was a very simple one—the 
King’s object being first to obtain supplies, and 
secondly to dismiss the assembly; the Parliament, who 
plainly understood their position, were equally firm 
not to grant the one, without having first obtained 
the redress they sought. The Commons, however, 
were prevailed upon to pass a vote for four subsidies, 
but they still withheld the money. The King’s 
messages were frequent and urgent: 4 Would they 
not,’ he asked, ‘be content to rest on the royal 
word?’ Mainwaring’s case occupied at this time the 
attention of the House, and the King, in the vain 
hope of pacifying it, counselled that ecclesiastic to 
‘confess and submit,’ which he accordingly did; but 
submission failed of its object, for he was sentenced 
to be fined, imprisoned, and for ever incapacitated 


CHAP 

IV. 

1628 


90 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, from holding Church preferment. All this, however, 
—* ■—' did not prevent the King from subsequently appoint- 
mg him to a good living. 

A new device on the part of the Court to silence 
the members was now resorted to. A fresh mess¬ 
age was sent to the Commons to hasten the supplies, 
intimating that it was the King’s intention to end 
the Session in a fortnight. The Speaker also received 
private instructions to that effect, which he en¬ 
deavoured to carry out; for in the debate which 
followed, Sir John Eliot rose to address the House, 
when the Speaker interposed, thinking Sir John was 
going to speak against the Duke of Buckingham, and 
said, 4 1 must command you not to proceed.’ Sir 
John, on this, resumed his seat, when Sir Nicholas 
Rich, however, rose and said, 4 We must speak now, or 
for ever hold our peace. Let us go together to the 
Lords and show our dangers, that we may then to 
the King together.’ After which Sir Edward Coke 
rose in his place and exclaimed, 4 Let us palliate no 
longer; if we do, God will not prosper us. I think 
the Duke of Buckingham is the cause of all our 
miseries.’ A remonstrance to that effect was accord¬ 
ingly agreed to, and the Speaker was at once sent to 
the King to enquire when it would be his Majesty’s 
pleasure to receive them; the message he brought 
back was an order to adjourn 4 the House until the 
next day.’ This eventful phase in the history of the 
House of Commons has been graphically depicted by 
the member for Mai ton, in Yorkshire, an eyewitness, 
in a letter to his friend Mr. Chamberlain, of the 
Court of Wards, as follows:— 


DEBATE IN THE HOUSE OE COMMONS. 


91 


1 Yesterday was a day of desolation among us in 
Parliament, and this day we fear will be the day of 
our dissolution. Upon Tuesday, Sir John Eliot 
moved that, as we intended to move his Majesty with 
money, we should also supply him with counsel . . . 
So he desired there might be a declaration made to 
the King of the danger wherein the kingdom stood, 
by the decay and contempt of religion, the in¬ 
sufficiency of his generals, the unfaithfulness of his 
officers, the weakness of his councils, the exhausting 
of his treasure, the death of his men, the decay of 
trade, the loss of shipping, the many and powerful 
enemies, the few and the poor friends, we had abroad. 

‘In the enumerating of which the Chancellor of the 
Duchy said it was strange language, yet the House 
commanded Sir John Eliot to go on; then the 
Chancellor desired, if he went on, that himself might 
go out, whereupon they all bade him begone; yet he 
stayed and heard him out, and the House generally 
inclined to such a declaration, to be presented in a 
humble and modest manner—not prescribing to the 
King the way, but leaving it to his judgment for 
reformation. So the next day, being Wednesday, we 
had a message from his Majesty, that the Session 
should end on Wednesday, and that therefore we 
should husband the time, and despatch the old busi¬ 
nesses without entertaining new. Intending to 
pursue their declaration, they had this message 
yesterday morning, which I have here enclosed you, 
requiring them not to cast any aspersion upon any 
Minister of his Majesty; the House was much affected 
to be so restrained, since the House in former time had 


CIIAP. 

IV. 

1628 


92 


LIFE OE OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

IV. 

1628 


proceeded by committing John of Gaunt, the King’s 
son, and of late have sentenced the Lord Chancellor 
Bacon and the Lord Treasurer Cranfield. 

4 Then Sir Robert Phillips spake, and mingled his 
words with weeping ; Mr. Prynne did the like; and 
Sir Edward Coke, overcome with passion, seeing the 
desolation likely to ensue, was forced to sit down 
when he began to speak, through the abundance 
of tears,—yea, the Speaker in his speech could not 
refrain from weeping and shedding of tears, besides 
a great many whose griefs made them dumb. In 
the end they desired the Speaker to leave the chair, 
and Mr. Whitby was to come into it, that they might 
speak the freer, and commanded that no man go out 
of the House upon pain of going to the Tower. Then 
the Speaker humbly and earnestly desired the House 
to give him leave to absent himself for half an hour, 
which was instantly granted him. Sir Edward Coke 
then told them he now saw God had not accepted of 
their humble and moderate carriages and fair pro¬ 
ceedings, and the rather because he thought they 
dealt not sincerely with the King, and with the 
country, in making a true representation of the causes 
of all these miseries, which now he repented himself, 
since things had come to this pass, that he did it not 
sooner; he, not knowing whether ever he should 
speak in this House again, would now do it freely; 
and therefore protested that the author and cause 
of all those miseries was the Duke of Bucking¬ 
ham, which was entertained and answered with a 
cheerful acclamation of the House, as when one good 
hound recovers the scent, the rest come in with a full 



ABRUPT TERMINATION OF THE SESSION. 


93 


cry; so they pursued it, and everyone came on home, 
and laid the blame where they thought the fault was; 
and as they were voting it to be the question whether 
they should name him (the Duke) in their intended 
remonstrance, as the sole or principal cause of all their 
miseries at home and abroad, the Speaker—having 
been three hours absent, and with the King—returned 
with this message, that the House should then rise 
till to-morrow morning. 

4 What we shall expect this morning God of Heaven 
knows. We shall meet timely this morning, partly 
for the business’ sake, and partly because, two days 
since, we made an order, that whosoever comes in 
after prayers pays twelvepence to the poor. Sir, 
excuse my haste, and let us have your prayers, 
whereof both you and we here have need; so in 
scribbling haste I rest, 

4 Affectionately at your service, 

4 Thomas Alured. 


CHAP. 

IV. 


1628 


< This 6th of June, 1628/ 


The short interval occasioned by the adjournment 
had no tranquillising effect, for no sooner had the 
House assembled, than a vote of accusation was passed, 
embracing several of the King’s advisers. The two 
bishops, Laud and Neale, were especially mentioned 
as 4 those near the King who are suspected to be 
Arminians and unsound that way.’ The King, on 
learning what was taking place, commanded the Star 
Chamber to order the Bill of Accusation to be taken 
off the file of the House, and at the same time he sent 
a message, abruptly terminating the Session, which 
reached the Commons just as the Speaker was in the 




94 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

IV. 

1629 


act of reading the remonstrance preparatory to its 
being presented to his Majesty. 

By this arbitrary dismissal, another link was added 
to the chain of national grievances—another act of 
tyranny for the members to brood over, as they re¬ 
turned to their constituents in that leafy month of 
June, scattering the seeds of discontent throughout 
the length and breadth of the land, which soon after 
developed themselves in a sad and unexpected manner— 
no less than the assassination of the Duke of Bucking¬ 
ham. It was whilst visiting Portsmouth, on matters 
connected with his office, that this act of fatal ven¬ 
geance was committed. The assassin (Felton) left 
London on horseback for this diabolical object, actu¬ 
ated, as he then thought, by strong religious motives, 
but which subsequently he attributed to Satan. Ap¬ 
proaching the Duke from behind, he struck him with 
a sharp-pointed knife over the shoulder, and stabbed 
him in the breast; the knife had pierced his heart, and 
he fell down dead, exclaiming, as he fell, ‘ The villain 
has killed me ! ’ 

As a proof of the angry and excited state the 
nation was in at this period, it may be mentioned 
that this act was everywhere considered as a direct 
interposition of the righteous judgment of God, and 
Felton, as he returned to London a prisoner, was 
hailed as a deliverer by the villagers whom he met 
on the road. At Kingston-upon-Thames one old 
woman ran up to him and exclaimed, 4 Now God bless 
thee, little David ! 5 

The next and final Session of Charles I.’s third and 
last Parliament commenced on January 20, Ifi29.‘ 
The King, in his message, desired the Commons to take 



HIS FIRST SPEECH IN PARLIAMENT. 


95 


into speedy consideration the matter of tonnage and 
poundage, on which they had been occupied up to the 
close of the last Session. As usual, however, they 
adopted their former course of debating on the old 
topic of grievances, and of those especially which had 
reference to religious matters. 

It is to be remarked that each successive Parliament 
had latterly become more and more favourably dis¬ 
posed towards the Puritans—nay, more, the majority 
of the present assembly were Puritans; it is there¬ 
fore no longer a matter of surprise that on the subject 
of Popery, a topic on which they felt so keenly, that 
question should have a preference in their delibera¬ 
tions ; nor was the selection made from the desire 
of giving annoyance to the Government, as some 
seemed disposed to consider ; nevertheless, there could 
not have been a subject for debate more offensive 
to Charles, his chief adviser Laud, and the Court, 
than the one selected. 

The question at issue was simply put by Pym, in 
the debate which followed. 4 There are,’ he observed, 
‘two diseases (amongst us)—the old Popery, and the 
new Arminianism.’ It was on this occasion that 
Oliver Cromwell broke silence, for the first time, in 
the House. In reference to pardons granted since the 
last Session by the King, the Committee of which he 
was a member find, he goes on to say, ‘ that Div 
Sibthorp and Mr. Cosens did get their pardon, and 
that the Bishop of Winchester (Neale) did promise 
to procure Mr. Montague’s pardon ; that Dr. Main- 
waring did solicit his own pardon, and that the Bishop 
got the King’s hand to it.’ Such are the brief and 


CHAP. 

IV. 

1629 


9G 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

IV. 

1629 


almost incoherent utterances on record of Oliver’s 
first effort in the House of Commons. Rushworth’s 
report of this speech is somewhat less terse, but more 
intelligible, to the following effect:— c Mr. Cromwell 
informed the House what countenance the Bishop of 
Winchester did give to some person by name, and how, 
by this Bishop’s means, Mainwaring, who, by cen¬ 
sure of the last Parliament, was disabled for ever 
holding ecclesiastical dignity in the Church, and did 
confess the justice of that censure, is nevertheless 
preferred to a rich living. If these be the stej:>s to 
Church preferment, said he, what may we expect ?’ 

After a short debate, the House passed an order, 

1 That Dr. Beard of Huntingdon be written to by Mr. 
Speaker, to come up and testify against the Bishop; 
the order for Dr. Beard to be delivered to Mr. Crom¬ 
well.’ This, like the previous sessions, was a brief and 
agitated one; Parliament being determined to pur¬ 
sue the enquiry into grievances, specially those apper¬ 
taining to matters of religion, whilst the Court was as 
strenuous in endeavouring to divert them from such 
discussions. 


In the matter of tonnage and poundage an Order 
in Council had been issued, directing the collectors of 
those taxes peremptorily to levy them, and at the 
same time the Lord Treasurer was empowered to im¬ 
prison all who refused to pay. This act of the Council 
was voted by the House a breach of their privileges. 
One of the first victims of this fresh Court aggression 
was Mr. Rolls, a member of the House. 

These taxes, which are known at the present day 
under the name of Customs, had their origin in the 


ANGRY DEBATES IN THE COMMONS. 


97 


reign of Edward III., about the year 1346. They had chap. 
heretofore been granted to the King, at the beginning '—*—' 
of each reign, for his life; but at the commencement of 
the present reign, the Commons, in opposition to the 
wishes of the Upper House, voted them only for a 
specific period, renewable at each new Parliament or 
Session. This led to constant disputes between the 
King and the Lower House, and ultimately paved the 
way for those unfortunate divergences, which became 
wider and wider each succeeding year, finally termi¬ 
nating in civil war. 

‘Tonnage and poundage/ said the King, in his order 
to the collectors, ‘is a principal revenue of our Crown, 
and has been continued for these many years; I have 
therefore ordered that it be levied under pain of im¬ 
prisonment.’ 

In the angry debate which ensued, there appeared 
a general impression that the subject had only been 
introduced by the Crown in order to divert the 
House from their purpose. Very probably this may 
have been so: be that as it may, the Commons 
were determined it should not have this result. One 
member rose and said, ‘ These interruptions proceed 
from certain prelates.’ Sir John Eliot, who next 
spoke, named Dr. Neile, the Bishop of Winchester. 

‘I find him,’ says Sir John, ‘the person in whom all 
evil is contracted; he is the head of all the great 
party from whence the Papists, the Jesuits, and the 
priests derive their shelter and protection. I find 
him acting and building on those grounds laid by 
his master, the great Duke. 7 

It was in the course of this debate that the memor- 


ii 



98 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 



1629 


able struggle between the Speaker and the House, 
which for some time past had been seen to be inevi¬ 
table, took place. A resolution having been proposed 
embodying these sentiments, the Speaker, when moved 
to put the question, refused to do so, saying he was 
4 otherwise commanded by the King.’ Then rose Mr. 
Selden and said:— 

4 Dare not you, Mr. Speaker, put the question 
when we command you ? If you will not put it, we 
must sit still; thus we shall never be able to do any¬ 
thing. We sit here by command of the King, under 
the great seal, and you are sitting in his Majesty’s 
chair before both Houses, appointed our Speaker; 
and now you refuse to perform your office ! ’ 

The Speaker, however, still declined to put the 
question, so the House adjourned for a week, and met 
again on the following Monday, but with no better 
result; for on reassembling, the Speaker repeated his 
orders, and at the same time informed the members 
that the King had adjourned the House until 
March 10. A scene of great confusion now ensued, 
and on the Speaker rising to leave the chair, two 
or three members seized hold and forcibly detained 
him in it, whilst the following protest was agreed to 
and passed:— 

4 1. Whosoever shall bring in innovation in religion, 
or seek to extend Popery or Arminianism, shall be 
reputed a capital enemy to this kingdom.—2. Who¬ 
soever shall advise the taking and levying of the 
subsidies of tonnage and poundage not being granted 
by Parliament shall be likewise so considered.— 
3. If any person shall voluntarily yield to pay such, 


VIOLENT PROCEEDINGS OF THE COURT. 


99 


lie shall likewise be reputed a betrayer of the ciiap. 
liberties of England, and an enemy of the same.’ '—r— 

Whilst this was being enacted, the King, who had 
heard what was going on, sent for the Sergeant-at- 
Arms; the messenger, however, was unable to commu¬ 
nicate with him, in consequence of the doors of the 
House being locked, so his Majesty sent the Usher of 
the Lords, but with no better success, for this messen- 
ger was also refused audience until the vote had 
been read and passed. When, at length, he gained 
admittance, the subject of his message was, to inform 
the members that the King had dissolved the 
Parliament. 

A few days later the King issued a proclamation, 
wherein he explained and justified the dismissal of 
the House, closing with the following significant 
sentence:— 

4 We and our royal authority have been so highly 
condemned as our kingly office cannot bear, nor any 
former age can parallel. ... We thought it good to 
give notice to whom it may concern, that they may 
depart about their needful affairs without attending 
any longer here; nevertheless, we will that they 
and all others take notice, that we do and ever will 
distinguish between those who have showed good 
affection and those who have given themselves over 
to faction. ... We mean some vipers who must 
look for their reward of punishment.’ 

The threat thus conveyed was speedily carried into 
execution, for warrants were issued to apprehend 
Denzil Hollis, Sir Miles Hobart, Sir John Eliot, 

Sir Peter Hayman, John Selden, W. Coriton, Walter 

H 2 


) > ) 

V> > * 



LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


Lang, W. Strood, and Benjamin Valentine, Esquires, 
who were forthwith committed to the Tower, from 
which they were only released by the payment of a 
heavy fine. Sir John Eliot, however, refusing, was 
kept prisoner until the day of his death. 

Henceforth Charles resolved to rule without a 
Parliament, and he certainly did, for a space of eleven 
years, continue to govern the country without having 
recourse to this constitutional alternative. 

The triumph of the High Church party was now 
complete, and it was with unmeasured satisfaction 
that Laud again found leisure still further to harass 
the Puritan ministers, which his late political engage¬ 
ments had interrupted. 

Lay impropriations had long been a source of 
vexation to this prelate, affording, as they did, oppor¬ 
tunities for Puritan divines to preach in places other¬ 
wise inaccessible. Shortly after the dissolution of 
Parliament, we find him presenting to the King 
‘ certain considerations concerning an overgrown evil,’ 
as he described it, the nature and origin of which it 
may here be well to mention. During the last year 
of King James, a number of influential Puritans, with 
the celebrated Dr. Preston at their head, struck with 
the evil consequences to religion the ‘ Book of Sports ’ 
was calculated to produce, bethought themselves of a 
scheme to counteract the mischief by buying up all 
the lay impropriations that could be secured. Since 
that period this had been done to a very considerable 
extent. As to their origin, it will be recollected that 
at the suppression of abbeys and monasteries, in 1539, 
a vast amount of Church property fell to the monarch, 


LAY IMPROPRIATORS REMOVED. 


101 


who bestowed portions of the confiscated estates chap. 
amongst his courtiers. These subsequently became '— 
known under the title of lay impropriations. l(} “ 9 

Twenty years previously, the Puritans, at the 
Hampton Court Conference, had petitioned that one- 
seventh of the revenues thus derived might be appro¬ 
priated to the maintenance of ministers residing in 
destitute districts, but without avail. 

In 1624 subscriptions were commenced, the funds 
thus raised being invested in feoffees, who bought up 
the advowsons according as money and opportunities 
enabled them. Puritan ministers were appointed to 
them, and the feoffees also engaged other ministers 
not in full orders to act as lecturers, who visited the 
towns on market and fair days throughout the country. 

This was the scheme Laud now undertook to destroy. 

It required some three or four years to accomplish, 
but in the end he was completely successful. 

These impropriations had long been a source of 
vexatious annoyance to the prelate, and in a diary he 
was in the habit of keeping there is an entry, so far 
back as January 1626 :—‘Methinks,’ he writes, ‘ I see a 
cloud arising, and threatening the Church of England. 

God of His mercy dissipate it! ’ A month later he 
adds: c I gave the King an account of the restoring 
of the impropriations.’ 

Having obtained the royal permission to harass 
and discourage the Puritans, he proceeded to attack 
them in a vital part. The pulpit had always been a 
favourite spot, from whence had issued those fervent 
addresses so loved and listened to by the laity. 

These he was determined to close altogether on the 



102 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP, 

IV. 

1629 


afternoons of Sundays, and in the place of the sermon 
the Church Catechism was substituted. Those lecturers 
in deacon’s orders employed by the feoffees were also 
required to wear the surplice when performing Divine 
Service; but it was not until he became Archbishop, 
three years later, that his victory was complete, for 
then, by dint of Star Chamber prosecutions, heavy 
fines, and ultimate confiscations, he put an end to 
them. The final entry in his diary on this subject 
is as follows: 4 The feoffees, that pretended to buy 

in impropriations, were dissolved in the Chequer 
Chamber. They were the main instruments for the 
Puritan faction to undo the Church.’ 

One more noteworthy act of this prelate, before 
dismissing him for the present, may be mentioned. 
By way of diverting the minds of the people from 
grieving over the loss of their lecturers, he procured 
the King’s sanction to republish the c Book of Sports.’ 
Church-ales had long fallen into disrepute, likewise 
also 4 lawful sports and pastimes ’ in the parish church¬ 
yards after the Sunday afternoon services. 

The 4 Book of Sports ’ was to set all these goins: 

-*- o o 

afresh, and the Judges, when on circuit, were re¬ 
quested to use their influence in restoring the good 
old custom of church-ales—which, by-tlie-bye, they 
thought better honoured in the breach than in the 
observance, and therefore declined, although urged 
thereto by the Archbishop and Dr. Pierce, the Bishop 
of Bath. It is but anticipating a few years the results 
of such teaching as that of the royal 4 Book of Sports,’ 
if we quote the evidence of the Archbishop himself, 
as to the state of the religious world in general, and 


ARCHBISHOP LAUD’S REMEDY. 


103 


of the Church of England in particular, in the year chap. 
1G37. —A- 

In his annual report to the King, of that year, we 
read as follows:— 

4 1 found in one half of the churches they had not 
a clerk able to read and answer the minister in 
Divine Service, by which means the people were 
wholly disused from joining with the priest, and in 
many places from so much as saying 44 Amen.” In my 
own diocese, I have several years acquainted your 
Majesty, and so must do now, that there are still 
divers Brownists and other separatists, but they are 
so very mean and poor people that I know not what 
to do with them. IIow this part came to be infested 
with such a humour of separation I know not, unless 
it were by too much connivance at the first be¬ 
ginning. Neither do I see any remedy like to be, 
unless some of these strife-seducers be driven to 
abjure the kingdom, which must be done by the 
judges at the common law, but is not in our power.’ 

The King’s remark to the latter part of the above 
( written in the margin) is very characteristic: 4 Inform 
me of the particulars, and I shall command the Judges 
to make them abjure.’ 4 At Norwich, where there 
are thirty-four churches,’ the report continues, 4 there 
was no sermon on the Sunday morning save only in 
four, hut all put off to the afternoon, and so no 
catechising.’ 

It would appear, however, that whilst lay impro¬ 
priations had been effectually rooted out, Laud was 
not quite so successful in dealing with the lecturers 
themselves. 4 They abound,’ continues the Arch- 



104 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, bishop, ‘ in Suffolk, and many are set up by private 

'-v—' gentlemen, even so much as without the knowledge ot 

the ordinary, and without any due observance to the 
canons or discipline of the Church. At Ipswich it 
was not unknown to your Majesty how Mr. Ward 
stands censured in the High Commission, and obeys 
not; yet the Bishop was ready to have allowed them 
another, if they would have sought him, but they 
resolve to have Mr. Ward or none. At Yarmouth, 
where there was great division heretofore for many 
years, the lecturer, being censured in the High 
Commission about two years ago, since went into 
Yew England, since which time there hath been no 
lecturer, and very much peace in the town and all 
ecclesiastical orders well observed; but in Norwich 
one Mr. Bridge, rather than he would conform, has 
left his lecture and two cures, and is gone into 
Holland.’ 

The King’s remark (in the margin) to this is, ‘Let 
him go; we are well rid of him! ’ 1 


i Harl. MS. 787. 



105 


CHAPTER V. 

New Charters for Boroug-lis introduced—Old Sir Oliver Cromwell at 
Hinchinbrook — Oliver Cromwell settles at St. Ives—His Farming 
Operations—King James and Laud resort to Monopolies to replenish 
the Empty Exchequer—Royal Visit to Scotland—Attempt to intro¬ 
duce Episcopacy in Edinburgh—Prynne sentenced to the Pillory— 
Ship-money Scheme of Noy—John Hampden fined for opposing it— 
The Puritan Lecturers, and Cromwell’s Letter on their Behalf—He 
removes his Family to Ely on the Death of his Wife’s Uncle, Sir 
Thomas Stuart—Cromwell opposes the Fen Draining Scheme—His 
Plans for Emigrating (with others) to America frustrated by the 
Government—Star Chamber Prosecutions—Lilburn, Bastwick, and 
Burton in the Pillory—Graphic Picture of the Period by Sir Arthur 
Haselrig—Scene in St. Giles’s Church, Edinburgh—Cromwell returned 
to Parliament Member for Cambridge Town—Debate on Grievances 
renewed—Parliament Dissolved, and several Offending Members com¬ 
mitted to Prison—War breaks out between England and Scotland— 
Domestic Life of the Royal Family—State of England — Prince 
Charles and his Tutor. 

Shortly after the dissolution, the King, no doubt 
with the object of obtaining control over future 
Parliamentary elections, called in all the old charters, 
and in exchange substituted new ones better adapted 
to his purposes. Huntingdon underwent this change 
in the year 1630 ; this fact is important merely in re¬ 
ference to Oliver Cromwell, whom we find mentioned, 
with Robert Barnard and Dr. Beard, Oliver’s old 
schoolmaster, to serve as Justices of the Peace in the 
charter. 

A dispute of some kind appears to have arisen, 
shortly after, between Oliver and Barnard—whether 


CIIAP. 

v. 

--Y 

1630 


106 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 



1630 


in the exercise of these magisterial duties or other¬ 
wise we are not informed—the result of which 
was that each denounced the other to the Privy 
Council; and their neighbour, the Earl of Man¬ 
chester, was appointed to enquire into and settle 
the affair, which he succeeded in doing satisfac¬ 
torily, to judge from the following report to the 
Privy Council:— c I found Mr. Cromwell willing to 
hold friendship with Mr. Barnard, who with a good 
will, remitting the unkind passages past, entertained 
the same; so I left all parties reconciled.’ 

Old Sir Oliver had ceased to occupy the family 
mansion of Hindi inbrook; that estate had passed 
away for ever from the descendants of the Putney 
blacksmith. His lavish expenditure had at length 
brought him to this, and he was forced to remove 
to a smaller estate at Ramsey-mere, not far distant; 
here he ended his days, in the year 1654. Fuller 
mentions that the old knight was remarkable for 
‘ four things—his hospitality, his upright dealings 
in bargains (for he sold excellent pennyworths), his 
loyalty, and his vivacity.’ To the close of his life 
he maintained unflinching opposition to the Long 
Parliament, and, but for the intervention of his 
nephew on more than one occasion, his remaining 
estate would have been confiscated, and himself re¬ 
duced to penury and want. 

It is noticeable, if not otherwise remarkable, that 
the same year in which the uncle forsook the family 
mansion, the nephew Oliver also left his native 
town, to settle at St. Ives. Finding a necessity for 
more active employment than could be enjoyed at 



Cromwell’s farming at st. ives. 


107 


Huntingdon, and having no Parliamentary duties to chap. 
attend, he decided on parting with his property there, —X— 
and with the proceeds stocking a farm at St. Ives, 1631 
five miles distant, whither he removed, with his 
family, towards the close of the year. Heath’s 
description of Oliver’s farming operations deserves 
insertion; like most of his anecdotes, there is mixed 
up with it the usual amount of prejudice and im¬ 
probability : 4 Every morning, before the family and 
the servants stirred out,’ continues this biographer, 

‘they were called together for prayers, at which 
exercise they continued very often so long, that it was 
nine o’clock in the morning before they began their 
work ... The hinds and ploughmen, seeing the 
zeal of their master, thought they, too, might borrow 
the other part of the day for their own pleasure; 
therefore they went to plough with a pack of cards 
in their pockets, and, having turned up two or 
three furrows, sat themselves down again till dim 
ner-time.’ Heath, however, omits to tell us, that 
these same St. Ives ploughmen proved themselves 
better soldiers than farm-labourers; for, in subse¬ 
quent times, they were the men who became so 
celebrated in the civil wars, under the dreaded title 
of Cromwell’s 4 Ironsides.’ 

His house at St. Ives, remarks another authority, 1 
became a retreat for the nonconforming clergy, and 
lie so thoroughly identified himself with their cause, 
that he became known as the head of the Puritan 
party of that district. He now began to preach on 


1 Noble’s Memoirs. 


108 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

V. 


1631 


sabbath-days to the domestics and other farm- 
labourers; there was to be seen standing, so late as 
the latter part of the last century, a building erected 
for this purpose at the rear of his dwelling. 

The five years Oliver spent at St. Ives, occupied. 
in agricultural pursuits, form a blank in his history. 
We may picture him on market-days visiting Hun¬ 
tingdon and the neighbouring towns, selling grain 
and cattle, and riding home in the evening through 
the narrow lanes, moodily meditating on the gloomy 
prospect the political horizon presented. During 
these years his attachment to the Established Church 
was gradually growing less and less, and his presence 
in the family-pew of the parish church only inter¬ 
mittent. 4 They have,’ says one of his biographers, 
4 a tradition at St. Ives, that when he came, he 
was in the habit of wearing a piece of red flannel 
round his head and neck, the better to preserve 
himself from rheumatic attacks, to which he was 
subject.’ 

However much the King and his principal adviser 
(Laud) may have congratulated themselves on their 
triumph over the Parliament and the Puritans, there 
was one important department in the State-machine 
most imperatively calling for immediate attention, 
and which required all their ingenuity to provide for; 
the finances were in a state of collapse. How best to 
remedy this evil became the most pressing question. 
For immediate purposes, they had recourse to fines 
and monopolies; the most trifling affair was not 
thought too insignificant for these manipulations. 
The manufacture of soap was, for the future, to be- 



109 


ITTS MAJESTY’S VISIT TO SCOTLAND. 

come a monopoly; playing-cards for the first time 
paid a duty. If a wealthy man and his family pre¬ 
ferred the town-house to his country one, a fine for 
permission to remain was levied. Another novel 
expedient was that of levying a tax on all new 
houses built on the site of old ones in the metropolis. 
Some fines were made retrospective, as in the case of 
that one levied on the city, for an occurrence which 
had taken place within its jurisdiction, five years 
before, when one Dr. Lamb had been beaten to 
death in the street. The reason alleged for this tax 
on the citizens, was for not having been more careful 
of the preservation of the peace and the lives of his 
Majesty’s subjects. 

But the chief reliance Charles had, astonishing as 
it may appear at the present day, was. on his Scotch 
subjects for granting pecuniary assistance. A visit 
to Scotland had long been proposed for this object, 
and, with the aid of funds supplied by fines and 
monopolies, he was, at length, enabled to carry out 
these intentions. Two other important objects were 
also to be accomplished—namely, his coronation in 
the old palace of Holyrood; and to endeavour, if 
possible, to root out Presbyterianism, and introduce 

the Church Praver Book in its stead. That able 

«/ 

but unscrupulous Episcopalian primate, Laud, there¬ 
fore became a necessary adjunct on this occasion, 
and he also accompanied his Majesty to the northern 
metropolis. 

Arrived in Scotland, Charles was crowned by the 
Archbishop at Holyrood, with all due solemnity. 
Then followed the subsidy, which, we are told, was 


CHAP. 

V. 


1632 




110 


CHAP. 



1632 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 

the largest ever granted by the Northern Parliament 
to any of its monarchs. All did not go on so 
smoothly, however, with the remaining object of his 
visit—that which affected the national religion. Here 
much opposition was encountered, and Charles, for the 
present, had to limit his innovations to the introduc¬ 
tion of the English liturgy in the Chapel Royal at 
Edinburgh, instead of enforcing it in all other 
churches. 

This slight attempt to introduce Episcopacy into 
Scotland had all the effect of a more violent effort in 
prejudicing the minds of the people, as will shortly 
be seen. The Court, on its return homewards, was 
entertained with a singular exhibition of Protestant 
monastic piety in that county of monasteries, Hun¬ 
tingdonshire, which must have gladdened the heart of 
Laud. A number of individuals had banded them¬ 
selves together, at a place called Little Gidding, under 
the guidance and headship of one Nicholas Ferrar, 
where they kept up, night and day, a continual 
repetition of the English liturgy, in a chapel devoted 
to that purpose. Upwards of eighty persons were 
engaged in this establishment, the greater part oc¬ 
cupied in binding Prayer-books and embroidering 
church hassocks. 

On the return of the Court from Scotland, it soon 
became evident that the future government of this 
country was to be carried on through the medium of 
the Star Chamber. This court had been instituted 
by Henry VII., contrary to Magna Charta; it was 
composed of a Committee selected from the privy 
councillors; they were governed by no rules or laws, 


SEVERITIES OF THE STAR CHAMBER. 


Ill 


yet decided cases brought before them, involving the 
security both of life and property. It was through 
the instrumentality of this tribunal that the Tudors 
and the early Stuarts perpetrated most of their 
arbitrary and violent enactments, and to the existence 
of this court may be ascribed the aversion those 
monarchs displayed to the more constitutional forms 
of government. 

This year (viz. 1632) Prynne, a Puritan barrister 
of Lincoln’s Inn, incurred the displeasure of the 
Court for publishing a book against theatres and 
stage performances of plays, by which he involved 
himself in a Star Chamber prosecution, when he was 
sentenced to the pillory, to have his ears cut off, im¬ 
prisonment for life, and a fine of 5,000/. 

The next notable act of the Star Chamber was the 
tax of ship-money—a scheme devised by the Attor¬ 
ney-General (Noy), the last and most fatal of all his 
financial inventions, and the one which ultimately 
proved the most disastrous to his royal master. Noy, 
however, did not live to lament the consequences, 
for he died shortly after. The Judges, on being 
consulted by the King as to the legality of this 
tax, gave the following extraordinary decision: 
1 When the good and safety of the kingdom in gene¬ 
ral is concerned, and the kingdom in danger, your 
Majesty may command all your subjects to provide 
and maintain ships, men, victuals, and munition, and 
that your Majesty is the sole judge , both of the 
danger, and wheii the same is to be prevented and 
avoided.’ 

These were gloomy times for England, when her 


CHAP. 



1632 


f 


112 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 

chap, ancient guardians, the keepers and preservers of law, 

—»— turned aside and forsook their trust. Old Sir Edward 
Coke must have keenly felt this last judicial suicide 
as he lay on his deathbed in Norfolk, where he 
shortly after expired, in his eighty-fifth year. 

One patriot there was, however, bold enough to 
come to the front, notwithstanding the decision of the 
Judges, and resist the payment of this unjust tax. 
John Hampden was that man. We need not detain 
the reader with the arguments used in the long trial 
which ensued. Hampden’s case was a strong one ; it 
rested on Magna Charta and the subsequent statutes, 
whilst that for the Crown relied on precedents estab¬ 
lished by former monarchs. From the recent opinion 
already given by the Judges, we learn with no surprise 
that their decision went against Hampden, who was 
condemned in heavy costs. 

We may easily imagine with what interest these 
proceedings must have been watched by the Hunting¬ 
donshire farmer. Cromwell and Hampden, it will be 
recollected, were first-cousins; they were, besides, 
bound to each other by strong political and religious 
ties. History, however, is altogether silent as to what 
his views were on this event, and the only trace we 
have of him at this period is contained in the following 
letter, which shows that the writer was more concerned 
about religion than occupied in political agitations. It 
appears that, in spite of Laud and the Star Chamber, 
there were still to be found, among the old Puritan 
lecturers, some who continued to itinerate as preachers 
in country places, regardless of State prosecutions. 
The citizens of London had long been the munificent 


LETTER OF CROMWELL TO STOR1E. 

supporters of this class. A lecturer had hitherto been 
employed in Oliver’s district, but the withdrawal of 
the funds necessary for his support being threatened, 
Cromwell wrote as follows :— 

4 To Mr. Storie , 

4 At the sign of the Dog in the Royal Exchange. 

4 Among the catalogue of those good works which 
your fellow-citizens and our countrymen have done, 
this will not be reckoned for the least, that they have 
provided for the feeding of souls. Building of 
hospitals provides for men’s bodies ; to build mate¬ 
rial temples is judged a work of piety ; but they that 
procure spiritual food, they that build up spiritual 
temples, they are the men truly charitable—truly 
pious. Such a work as this was your erecting the 
lecture in our county, in the which you placed Dr. 
Wells, a man of goodness and industry, and able to do 
good every way, not short of any I know in England; 
and I am persuaded that, sithence his coming, the 
Lord hath by him wrought much good among us. 

4 It only remains now that He who first moved you 
to this, put you forward in the continuance thereof; 
it was the Lord, and therefore to Him lift we up our 
hearts that He would perfect it. And surely, Mr. 
Storie, it were a piteous thing to see a lecture fall, in 
the hands of so many able and godly men as I am 
persuaded the founders of this are, in these times, 
wherein we see they are suppressed with too much 
haste and violence by the enemies of God’s truth. 
Far be it that so much guilt should stick to your 



114 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


hands, who live in a city so renowned for the clear 
shining light of the Gospel. You know, Mr. Storie, 
to withdraw the pay is to let fall the lecture, for who 
goeth to warfare at his own cost ? I beseech you, 
therefore, in the bowels of Jesus Christ, put it for¬ 
ward, and let the good man have his pay. The souls 
of God’s children will bless you for it, and so shall I ; 
and ever rest, 

c Your loving friend in the Lord, 

c Oliver Cromwell.’ 1 

Very shortly after, Cromwell—in consequence of 
the death of his wife’s uncle, Sir Thomas Stuart of 
Ely, who had just died and left him a property of some 
400/. or 500/. a year—gave up the farm at St. Ives, 
and removed with his family to Ely, Mrs. Cromwell’s 
native city. 

Heath relates a very improbable tale, in reference to 
an occurrence which he says took place some years 
previous, when the uncle had been suspected of 
suffering from mental affliction. Oliver at that time 
(says Heath) sought to take out a commission of 
lunacy against him. If such had been the case, Sir 
Thomas must have been convinced that it was in no 
hostile spirit, or he would never have left him, as he 
did, the bulk of his property. 

The draining of the Fens, begun several years 
before this by order of the Government, had given 
great dissatisfaction in the district. An organised 
opposition was therefore got up, in which Cromwell, 
when he settled in the city of Ely, took a leading part. 


CHAP. 



1636 


1 Cromwell’s Letters and Speeches. 


STAR-CHAMBER PROSECUTIONS. 

The resistance was successful, and the draining was 
discontinued. Oliver’s share in the matter proved of 
great service to him at the next general election. In 
the order of time, it is to be noticed that it was about 
this period that several influential families, tired of 
arbitrary rule, decided on leaving England, and set¬ 
tling in America; they were, however, prevented by 
an Order in Council, or rather proclamation, forbid¬ 
ding any person to leave the country without a royal 
license. Among those who sought to fly, we are 
told, were Sir Matthew Boynton, Sir William Consta¬ 
ble, Sir Arthur Haselrig, Mr. Hampden, and Oliver 
Cromwell. 

Violence and oppression continued to mark the 
period of Laud’s supremacy. The pillory was resorted 
to for the most trifling offences. Lilburn, for pub¬ 
lishing a pamphlet without a license, was sentenced to 
be whipped from Fleet Prison to Westminster, there 
to stand in the pillory, and afterwards to suffer fine 
and imprisonment. Whilst his head was in the pillory, 
he uttered many bold speeches (says Rush worth) 
against his Star Chamber persecutors, and scattered 
sundry copies of the pamphlet; but he was speedily 
silenced by the Council, who ordered him to be 
gagged, and irons to be put on his hands and feet. 
His imprisonment lasted until the Long Parliament 
met. 

Three other individuals occupying a prominent 
position came under the searching eyes of the Star 
Chamber about the same time, and suffered accord¬ 
ingly. These were William Prynne, a barrister; John 
Bastwick, a physician; and Henry Burton, a clergyman. 

i 2 


115 


CHAP. 

V. 


1636 



V 


116 


CHAP. 

V. 


1637 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 

They were indicted for publishing libels reflecting on 
the hierarchy, and sentenced to fine, imprisonment, 
and to have their ears cut otf. Prynne already knew 
something about this latter infliction; what, however, 
still remained of those useful appendages the execu¬ 
tioner, we are informed, 1 sawed rather than cut off.’ 
c Cut me—tear me !’ he cried; 4 1 fear not thee ; I fear 
the fire of hell, not thee.’ Burton’s ominous words, 
when undergoing this part of the sentence, were —‘‘It 
is too hot to last' Bastwick’s wife attended her hus¬ 
band to the pillory, or scaffold, where this part of the 
sentence was performed, and received his bloodstained 
ears in her lap, and 4 lovingly kissed him.’ 

It was now perilous to oppose the tyranny of the 
Court, and few there were who ventured to do it. 
Sir Arthur Haselrig, one of the five members in the 
Long Parliament who fell under the wrathful dis¬ 
pleasure of the King, gives a graphic picture of the 
period which intervened between the third Parhament 
of Charles and the celebrated Long Parliament :— 

4 The Council-table bit like a serpent,’ he writes, 

4 and the Star Chamber like scorpions. So small a 
number as two or three gentlemen could not stir out 
for fear of being committed for a riot. Our souls and 
consciences were put on the rack by the Archbishop. 
We might not speak of Scripture or repeat a sermon 
at our tables. Many godly men were sent to find 
their beds in the wilderness. The oppression was 
a little less in the lower courts, and in the special 
courts. . . 

4 Altars were set up, and bowing to them enjoined; 
pictures were placed in church-windows, and images 



THE PRAYER-BOOK IN EDINBURGH. 


117 


set up at Durham, and elsewhere. The Archbishop chap. 

would not only impose upon England, but on Scot- --r— 

land, to bring in the Book of Common Prayer upon 
them; they liked it not, and, as luck would have it, 
they would not hear it. He prevailed on the King to 
raise an army to suppress them ... The King went 
to their country, and finding himself unable to con¬ 
quer their country, he came back. He called a Par¬ 
liament which wasnamedthe u Little,” disbanded not 
his army, but propounded we [the Parliament] should 
give him a great sum to maintain the war against 
Scotland. We debated it, but the cause of our debate 
made him fear we would not grant the money. It 
was then that Strafford advised him to break us, and 
rule arbitrarily, for that he [Strafford] had an army 
in Ireland to make it [stand] good.’ 

Within a month after the scene of the pillory in 
Palace Yard, the threatened attempt to introduce the 
Prayer Book into Scotland, alluded to by Haselrig, 
took place. Easter Sunday had been originally fixed, 
but this was altered to the Sunday (July 23) following. 

It was in the parish church of St. Giles’s, Edinburgh, 
that, according to Kushworth, the following disturb¬ 
ance, consequent on this step, occurred:— 

No sooner was the book opened by the Dean, when 
a number of people, chiefly women, commenced clap¬ 
ping their hands. The Bishop of Edinburgh, thinking 
to appease the tumult, stepped into the pulpit; but his 
head had scarcely appeared above the surface, when a 
three-legged stool was thrown, which narrowly missed 
him. After much confusion and noise, the bailiffs 
succeeded in clearing the congregation out of the 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


church, and closing the doors; the service was then 
continued, in the presence of the few orderly persons 
who remained, whilst the multitude outside crowded 
the windows, crying out, 4 A Pope—a Pope! Anti¬ 
christ ! Pull him down! ’ 

So ungrateful a recognition of the King’s good in¬ 
tentions in introducing the Prayer Book was not to 
be tolerated. c Out of our princely care,’ said his 
Majesty, in his proclamation to the Scottish nation, 
4 and for beating down superstition, we have or¬ 
dained a Book of Common Prayer.’ Accordingly, the 
next two years were spent in the fruitless effort to 
introduce Episcopacy into Scotland, until at length, 
wearied at his failures, he decided on going to war 
for this object. In order, however, to carry out this 
intention, he had no other alternative but that of 
appealing to Parliament for the necessary funds. 

In this Parliament, which met on April 13, Crom¬ 
well took his place as member for Cambridge town , 
John Hampden sate for Buckinghamshire; two other 
kinsmen of Cromwell were also returned — viz., 
Thomas Barrington for Essex, and William Masham 
for Colchester. 

Instead of taking the Subsidy Bill first, as the King 
hoped they would, the House, as on former occasions, 
proceeded to debate on their grievances, especially 
that of ship-money, and the late trial consequent 
thereon. Five days, however, had not elapsed before 
they were summoned to attend at Whitehall, when 
the Lord Keeper told them, in the presence and by 
order of his Majesty, that the army which was 
now marching against Scotland was costing his 



DEBATE ON GRIEVANCES. 


119 


Majesty 100,000/. a month, and that without funds chap. 

to meet this expense the design must be lost. He v --— 

concluded by adding: 4 His Majesty doth now offer to 
you the reasons, occasions, and the way to make this 
the most blessed and most happy Parliament that 
ever was, and that may produce effects such as that 
the King may delight in his people, and the people 
in their King.’ 

The House w r as not, however, to be diverted from 
the examination into grievances, either by the pre¬ 
sence or the arguments of the King; and the enquiry 
continued until May 4, when Sir Harry Vane was 
sent with a message from the King, worded as 
follows: 4 His Majesty, the better to facilitate your 
resolution, this day hath thought lit to let you know 
that, of his grace and favour, he is pleased, upon your 
granting twelve subsidies, to be presently passed, and 
to be paid in three years, with a proviso that it shall 
not determine the Session, his Majesty will also not 
only forbear the levying of ship-money, but will give 
way to the utter abolishing of it, by any course that 
yourselves shall like best.’ 

The House not acquiescing at once to this pro¬ 
posal, the King was unfortunately advised by Laud 
to dissolve it the day following; at the same time his 
Majesty proceeded to arrest several of the members 
who had made themselves obnoxious to the Council, 
and on their refusing to answer questions concerning 
things done in Parliament, they were committed to 
prison. Clarendon states that the King had no sooner 
taken the unfortunate step of dissolving the House, 
than he desired to undo what he had done, and the 


120 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, clay following consulted with the Council whether it 
-—«—' was not within his prerogative to call the late mem¬ 
bers again together. 

The Exchequer—which had been temporarily re¬ 
plenished by loans borrowed from the Lords of the 
Council, in anticipation of the grant from Parliament, 
(towards which Lord Strafford alone subscribed 
20,000/.)—was again in a state of collapse. So 
desperate were financial affairs, that the King, in the 
meantime, bought up on credit all the pepper in the 
hands of the merchants, and sold it again at a loss 
for ready money ; and the Convocation of the clergy, 
which hitherto had terminated with the Parliament, 
was permitted to sit a month longer, for the purpose 
of voting supplies. Before breaking up, they granted 
the King six subsidies, payable during six years, 
each estimated to produce 20,000/. 

The extortion of ship-money was also continued, so 
that, by these and other extraordinary methods, the 
army destined to operate against Scotland was got 
together. Charles vainly thought that he had only to 
make his appearance in that country, when all oppo¬ 
sition would instantly cease; but no sooner had he 
approached the frontiers, when, to his amazement, he 
found that the Scots, after routing his army at the 
passage of the Tyne, had invaded England, and 
taken Newcastle, from whence they published a mani¬ 
festo, declaring that their object was not hostility 
towards their brethren of England, but only to 
defend themselves against their sworn enemies, the 
Earl of Strafford and the Archbishop of Canterbury. 
They further asserted that the King had been the 



THE SCOTTISH MANIFESTO. 


121 


aggressor, for, instead of permitting the General chap. 
Assembly, as was agreed upon, to regulate the '— 
affairs of their Church, subject to the ratification of 
their own Parliament, he had denied audience to the 
deputies from their Parliament. In conclusion, they 
reminded the English nation that their liberties were 
threatened equally with those of Scotland. This tell¬ 
ing truth found a response throughout the length and 
breadth of the land, greatly to the damage of the 
royal cause—more so, perhaps, than all other cir¬ 
cumstances put together. Following up their ad¬ 
vantages, they at the same time humbly petitioned 
the King not to make war upon them, but to recall 
the declaration which charged them as being traitors, 
and to convene the English Parliament for counsel and 
advice. This latter was so fully in accordance with 
the people, whom the Scots were anxious to gain 
over, that the initiative was taken by the Corporation 
of London, who sent a petition to the King, then at 
York, to that effect, wherein they recounted the 
pressing and unusual impositions merchants were 
suffering, from ship-money, monopolies, and patents, 
the innovations in religion, the increase of Papists, 
and, above all, ‘the seldom calling and sudden dis¬ 
solutions of Parliament.’ 

This petition was followed by another, to the same 
purport, presented in the name of twelve Peers. In 
his answer to the latter, the King replied that, 

4 Before the receipt thereof His Majesty well foresaw 
the danger that threatened himself and crown, and 
therefore resolved to summon all the Peers to his 
presence on September 24, and with them to consult 


122 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, wliat in this case is fittest to be done for his honour 
v. 

— t ~—' and the safety of the kingdom.’ 

1640 At this great Council of the Peers, which met at 
York, it was decided that Commissioners to settle 
with the Scots should be appointed. The King 
however, in the meantime, finding how great was 
the desire for a Parliament, anticipated the advice of 
the Peers, by summoning the members to meet at 
Westminster on November 3 ensuing. 

Of the domestic life of the Royal Family at this crisis, 
but little is known. Henrietta was doubtless occu¬ 
pied in the cares of a young family; Prince Charles 
was now in his eighth year, his younger brother 
(James) five. Greenwich and Whitehall were the 
favourite residences of the Court; but there were, 
besides, other palaces at Oatlands, Hampton Court, 
Nonsuch, and Wimbledon Park, at one or other of 
which they were accustomed to pass many days in 
happy tranquillity and retirement. 

The Manor House at WTmbledon Park had been 
given by Queen Elizabeth to Sir Thomas Cecil, by 
whom it was rebuilt in 1588. Reverting subse¬ 
quently by purchase, it had been settled on Queen 
Henrietta, who was much attached to it; thither 
Charles I. and his family frequently enjoyed the 
simple pleasures of a country life. It was famous for 
its horticultural and floral productions. Among the last 
instructions which the unfortunate monarch Charles 
gave, a few days before his trial, was an order to plant 
some seeds of a particular kind of melon in the garden. 
The state of the roads in the neighbourhood of Lon- 


QUEEN HENRIETTA AND PRINCE CHARLES. 


123 


don, in the days of Elizabeth and her immediate suc¬ 
cessors, must have presented a striking contrast to 
the present state of things; for it is mentioned that on 
the occasion of Queen Elizabeth going to Nonsuch, 
after visiting Lord Burleigh at Wimbledon, the 
churchwardens of Kingston spent the sum of twenty 
pence 4 in mending the ways.’ Locomotion, in distant 
journeys, was accomplished on horseback. Hackney- 
coaches long continued to be regarded as a useless 
innovation, and Orders in Council frequently passed to 
check their use. Thus, in 1635, an order was passed 
forbidding the hire of any hackney-coach, unless it 
was required to go three miles beyond the boundaries 
of London and Westminster. The owners were also 
constantly to keep four horses for the use of his 
Majesty. In the preamble it stated that hackney- 
coaches were a 4 great disturbance to the King, Queen, 
and nobility, besides making hay and provender dear.’ 

Young Prince Charles was residing this year at 
Hampton Court, with his governor, Lord Newcastle. 
A series of interesting letters, written about this 
period by the Prince and Queen Henrietta, may be 
seen in the British Museum; in one from the Queen 
to her young son, wherein she chides him for not 
taking his medicine, she writes:— 

4 Charles, I am sore that I must begin my first letter 
with chiding you because that you will not take 
physic. I hope it was only for this day, and that 
to-morrow you will do it: for if you will not, I must 
come to you and make you take it, for it is for your 


CHAP. 

v. 


1640 



124 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 



1640 


health. I have given orders to my Lord Newcastle, 
to send me word whether you will or not. I hope 
you will not give me the pains to go ; and so I rest, 
your affectionate mother, 

c Henrietta Marie Ed 1 


The following is from the Prince to his governor:— 

c I would not have you take too much physic, for it 
doth always make me worse, and 1 think will do the 
like with you. 

c I ride every day, and am ready to follow any other 
directions from you. Make haste to return to him 

that loves vou. 

•/ 

4 Charles P.’ 

In another letter to the same nobleman, he says: 
4 1 pray make an end of your physic, that I may 
sooner have your company. I thank you for the 
play; I like it so well that I desire to see it again 
when I come to London.’ 


1 Harl. MSS. 6998. 


125 


CHAPTER VI. 

Land in his Study—Gloomy Prognostics more than realised—Laud and 
Strafford deserted hy the King—The Long Parliament assembles— 
Petition of the Star-Chamber Victims presented by Cromwell—■ 
Cromwell’s Appearance in the House described by Sir Philip Warwick 
—Oliver St. John made Solicitor-General—Assent of the King to the 
Bill for holding Triennial Parliaments, and His Majesty’s Speech 
thereon—Laud and Strafford sent to the Tower—Opposition to Popery 
—Severe Enactments against the Papists—The King intercedes in 
vain with the Parliament in favour of Strafford—The Bill depriving 
the Monarch of the Power to dissolve Parliament at Pleasure receives 
the Royal Assent—Episcopacy attacked in the House—The Queen 
and her Confessors—Letter of Father Phillips—The King goes to 
Scotland—A Parliamentary Committee appointed to accompany His 
Majesty—Debates in the House during the Past Session—Cromwell’s 
celebrated Remark to Lord Falkland—Pacific Policy of the King on 
his Return from Scotland—Rushworth’s Account of the Banquet at 
Guildhall—Popularity of King Charles at this Period—Unfortunate 
Policy towards the Parliament—His Reception of the Deputation at 
Hampton Court—His Majesty’s Answer to the Remonstrance—The 
Outbreak of the Irish Rebellion—Terrible Cruelties of the Rebels— 
Tumultuous Mob Assemblies at Whitehall—Unpopular Choice of a 
New Governor of the Tower—Accusation against the Five Members 
by the King, and Violent Proceedings adopted towards Others— 
Conference between the Two Houses—The King suddenly appears in 
the House of Commons—His Majesty’s Speech, in which he demands 
the Surrender of the Offending Members—The House adjourns to 
Guildhall—The King follows up his Demand in the City—Remon¬ 
strance of the Citizens, and the Reply of His Majesty—The House 
complains of Breach of Privilege—Return to Westminster—A Con¬ 
ciliatory Message sent by His Majesty—Perseverance of the Commons, 
and Retreat of the King from his False Position — Unfortunate 
Decision of the Monarch to seek Foreign Aid—The Queen escapes to 
Holland, taking the Crown Jewels—The King goes to York— 
Message from the Parliament to His Majesty—The Royal Answer— 
Approach of Civil War—The Militia called out. 

It was within a week of the meeting of the celebrated 
Long Parliament, that one afternoon, Laud, on entering 


CHAR 

VI. 


1640 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. . 


his study, was startled at the discovery that his por¬ 
trait, which hung over the fireplace, had fallen to 
the ground. This circumstance appears to have made 
a deej) impression on his mind, to judge from the 
following entry in his diary: ‘October 27, Tuesday .— 
St. Simon and St. Jude’s eve. I went into my upper 
study, and coming in, I found my picture fallen down 
upon the face, and lying on the floor. God grant 
this be no omen ! ’ A brief period of little more than 
two months, those gloomy forebodings were more than 
realised, as will be seen by the following entry in the 
same journal: ‘Friday, December 18.—I was accused 
by the House of Commons of high treason, upon 
which I was presently committed to the Gentleman 
Usher.’ 

The crisis had arrived, and the struggle, which had 
been so long at issue between the King and the 
Commons, had resulted in the triumph of the latter. 
Charles, unable to prosecute the war in Scotland, or to 
meet his expenses at home, came at length to the con¬ 
clusion that there was no other way open to him but 
that of endeavouring to pacify the Parliament, by the 
sacrifice of his two favourites, Laud and Strafford. It 
was a poor reward for those devoted servants, after the 
years they had spent in his service, thus to be deserted 
in their hour of need, in the vain hope of diverting the 
attention of an angry nation ; but the House of Com¬ 
mons was well known to be decidedly hostile to the 
Court, and among the most prominent of the national 
grievances were the supposed evil counsels and eccle¬ 
siastical tyranny of these two ministers. 

Events moved rapidly in the early days of the 


CROMWELL IN THE LONG PARLIAMENT. 


127 


Long Parliament, which met on November 3. 
Scarcely had Laud’s committal taken place, when ' 
popular feeling displayed itself in numerously-signed 
petitions, from all parts of the country, against that 
prelate and his offending episcopal brethren. The 
inhabitants of London sent in one, endorsed by 
upwards of fifteen thousand signatures, praying for a 
reformation of the Bishops, and of Church ceremonies; 
this was ably seconded, a week after, by the clergymen 
of the Established Church, who, to the number of 
7,000, signed another petition, preferring a similar 
request. 

Shortly after the House met, the City of London 
carried out their proposal of granting the loan they 
had promised, of 200,000/., conditional on a Parlia¬ 
ment being assembled, which proved most opportune, 
in the then exhausted state of the Exchequer. 

We fail to discover Cromwell taking an active part 
during the early portion of the Session, nor does 
his name appear on any of the several Committees at 
first appointed. One circumstance, however, brought 
him prominently forward, for among those ready to 
take advantage of the political changes of the day, 
were those unfortunate victims of the Star Chamber, 
Bastwick, Burton, Prynne, and Lilburn, who now 
made themselves heard from their prison-houses in 
the Channel Islands, and Oliver Cromwell himself pre¬ 
sented the petition of the latter. It must have been 
on this occasion, probably, that Sir Philip Warwick 
first listened to the future Protector speaking in the 
House of Commons, which he described as follows:— 
4 1 have no mind to give an ill character of Crom- 


CHAP. 

VI. 

1640 


128 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, well, for in his conversation towards me he was ever 
—^—' friendly; though at the latter end of the day, finding 
me ever incorrigible, and having some inducements 
to suspect me a tamperer, he was sufficiently rigid. 
The first time that ever I took notice of him was in 
the very beginning of the Parliament held in Novem¬ 
ber 1640, when I vainly thought myself a courtly 
young gentleman (for we courtiers valued ourselves 
much upon our good clothes). I came one morning 
into the House well-clad, and perceived a gentleman 
speaking (whom I knew not) very ordinarily ap¬ 
parelled, for it was a plain cloth suit, which seemed to 
have been made by an ill country tailor; his linen 
was plain, and not very clean; and I remember a 
speck or two of blood upon his little band, which was 
not much larger than his collar. His hat was without 
a hatband ; his stature was of a good size, his sword 
stuck close to his side, his countenance swollen and 
reddish, his voice sharp and untunable, and his elo¬ 
quence full of fervour, for his subject-matter would 
not bear much of reason; it being on behalf of a 
servant of Mr. Prynne’s, who had dispersed libels 
against the Queen, for her dancing, and suchlike 
innocent and courtly sports. ... I sincerely profess 
it lessened much my reverence for that great Council, 
for he was very much hearkened unto. And yet I 
lived to see this very gentleman, whom out of no ill- 
will to him I thus describe, by multiplied successes, 
and by real but usurped power (having had a better 
tailor, and more converse among good company), 
appear of a great and majestic deportment, and comely 
presence. ’ 1 

1 Sir Philip Warwick’s Memoirs, p. 247. (London, 1701.) 



TRIENNIAL PARLIAMENTS. 

It would appear that Charles was not altogether 
averse, at this period, to calling into his councils men 
of more popular tendencies than those who hitherto 
had been selected, if we may judge by the fact of Oliver 
St. John being chosen Solicitor'General. This pleas¬ 
ing and significant deference to public opinion, had it 
been followed by similar appointments from among the 
leading Puritans at this particular crisis, might have 
averted the misery which the contrary policy entailed. 
St. John was a kinsman of Cromwell by marriage, and 
member for Totnes. 

Contemporaneously, however, with this disposition 
on his part, there were, unfortunately, on the part of 
the House of Commons, violent enactments passed, 
which trenched upon the prerogatives of the Crown, 
and such as no monarch could tamely submit to 
except under circumstances, as in the present position 
of affairs, he deemed it necessary on the ground of 
expediency. 

The Bill to deprive the King of the power to dissolve 
Parliament at discretion is an instance, and others 
might be quoted. 

On February 15, the Bill for holding Triennial 
Parliaments received the royal assent, on which occa¬ 
sion the King, in his speech, remarked:— 

‘You have taken the government all to pieces; I 
may say it is almost off the hinges. A skilful watch¬ 
maker, to make clean his watch, will take it asunder; 
•and when it is put together, it will go the better, so 
that he leave not one pin of it out. Now, as I have 
done all this on my part, you know what to do on 
yours.’ 


129 

CHAP. 



1641 


K 


130 ' LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

VI. 


1641 


Both Houses, we are told, were full of joy at this 
measure, and waited upon the King to return their 
4 humble thanks ’ for the same. Bonfires blazed forth 
that night all over the metropolis, and the church- 
bells rang forth a merry peal in honour of the occasion. 

Laud and Stratford were both in the Tower—the 
former under the charge of having endeavoured to 
subvert the laws of England, by introducing 4 an 
arbitrary and tyrannous government, for which object 
he had caused sermons to be preached throughout the 
country, and had endeavoured to interrupt the courts 
of justice in the lawful exercise of their functions.’ 

He was also charged with publishing a Book of 
Canons without lawful warrant, and of appointing 
men as domestic chaplains, who were 4 notoriously 
disaffected to the Beformed religion as by law estab¬ 
lished,’ and of silencing orthodox ministers ; finally, 
that he sought to introduce 4 innovations ’ into Scot¬ 
land in religious matters—a grave list of charges to 
answer in the temper of the country, which he failed 
to accomplish, as will be seen hereafter. 

It is curious to notice the sensitive state of men’s 
minds, on any matter directly or indirectly connected 
with religion. Sir John Lamb, we are told, 4 was 
brought upon his knees, at the Commons’ bar, for 
levying money on people for the purpose of setting 
up organs ’; and a complaint was also made against 
Dr. Cousins, for causing 2,000/. to be spent in 
setting up images and other innovations in Durham 
Cathedral, and providing a 4 holy consecrated knife to , 
cut the communion bread.’ The dread of Popery was 
ever before the eyes of our Puritan ancestors, and 



TRIAL OF THE EARL OF STRAFFORD. 


when Mr. Pym asserted 4 the desperate designs formed, 
both at home and abroad, against the Parliament and 
the peace of the nation,’ it required no fan to set the 
House in a blaze for Protestant ascendancy, which 
showed itself in a resolution, or rather 4 a protestation, 
passed nem. con., to uphold the Church of England 
against Popery.’ The Queen was said to have been 
personally engaged in concocting Popish plots. The 
Lord Mayor of London received a command to supply 
a list of all Papists residing in and about the metro¬ 
polis, and an order for their sudden disarmament was 
passed. A Bill was also introduced to prevent barges 
or lighters plying on the river, unloading or discharg¬ 
ing their cargoes, on a Sabbath-day as heretofore. 

An agreement to the protestation of the Commons 
was required from all persons of position and influence 
throughout the kingdom, and whosoever refused was 
to be notified as disaffected to the Parliament. 

Strafford’s trial had been prejudiced by the unfor¬ 
tunate attempt on the part of the Crown to let the 
prisoner escape, the Lieutenant of the Tower con¬ 
fessing that he had received a command to admit 100 
soldiers. The King made one other effort to save the 
life of his able but erring servant, in a letter to the 
House of Lords, wherein he says: 4 1 did yesterday 
satisfy the justice of the kingdom by passing the bill 
of attainder against the Earl of Strafford ; but mercy 
being as inseparable to a king as justice, I desire to 
show that likewise, by suffering the unfortunate man 
to fulfil the natural course of his life in a close im¬ 
prisonment : to this end I do earnestly desire your 
approbation.’ 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


This unfortunate minister being found guilty, 
sentence of death quickly followed; and he was be¬ 
headed on Tower Hill, on May 12 following. 

His pathetic appeal to the House of Lords, on 
behalf of his children, had not been in vain. 4 Seeing 
that it is the will of God,’ he says in his last address, 
4 that your petitioner is shortly to pay that duty 
which we all owe to our frail nature, he shall, in all 
Christian patience and charity, conform and submit 
himself to your justice . . . only he humbly craves 
leave to return your Lordships his most humble 
thanks for your noble compassion towards those 
innocent children, whom now, with his last blessing, 
he must commit to the protection of Almighty God, 
beseeching your Lordships to finish his pious inten¬ 
tions towards them/ 

Two days before this tragedy occurred, the King 
sanctioned a Bill, which ultimately proved one of the 
most disastrous to himself of all his proceedings. It 
was the assent he gave to an Act depriving him of 
the power to dissolve Parliament without the con* 
sent of the House of Commons. It affords a striking 
proof of the want of confidence felt in the good faith 
of the monarch when so unconstitutional a measure 
became the law of the land. 

The triumphant Commons next proceeded to con¬ 
demn the Star Chamber and the ship-money tax; both 
were suppressed, and declared illegal. 

Episcopacy of the Laudean type having, of course, 
long been obnoxious, the Puritans, who now had a 
majority in the House, next attacked that institution. 
A Bill was prepared, accordingly, embracing most 



OBLOQUY OF THE QUEEN. 


133 


extensive reforms. The preamble will show the chap. 
nature of the reform contemplated:— 4 Whereas the -— 

1 /> A 1 

government of the Church of England by archbishops 
and bishops, their chancellors and commissioners, 
deans, archdeacons, and other ecclesiastical officers, 
hath been found by long experience to be a great 
impediment to the perfect reformation and growth 
of religion, and very prejudicial to the state and 
government of the kingdom,’ &c. 

It would appear that the Queen suffered much pub¬ 
lic obloquy at this period—partly, no doubt, arising 
from her ardent attachment to the Roman Catholic 
faith, and the numerous staff of Romish priests and 
confessors she kept about the Court. One of her 
confessors has recorded his impressions of the 
position of the Royal Family, in the following extract 
from a letter written to one Walter Montague in 
F ranee:— 

4 The good King and Queen are left very naked. 

. . . Can the good King of France suffer a daughter 
of France, his sister, and her children to be thus 
affronted? ... A stirring active ambassador might 
do good here . . . The Londoners, who are very 
boisterous, came up on Monday, live or six thousand 
(in number), and were so rude that they would not 
suffer the Lords to come or go to their houses . . . 

God knows the King is much dejected! Our good 
Queen is much afflicted.’ 

Towards the end of July, the Parliament having 
completely ventilated all their grievances, and, what 
was more to the point, obtained the royal assent to 
certain measures framed to lessen or redress them, 




134 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, the King now found leisure to undertake a journey to 
v—- r L —- Scotland, which he accordingly did the month fol- 
1641 lowing, but it was not without some misgivings on 
the part of those now in the ascendant as to the 
object the monarch had in this visit; and with a view 
to prevent any misunderstanding, as also to counter¬ 
act evil counsel in the North, they succeeded in ob¬ 
taining a Parliamentary Committee to accompany his 
Majesty, greatly however to his disgust and annoyance. 

A glance at the debates in the House of Commons 
during this Session will suffice to show the temper as 
well as the determination of the members to resist 
whatever emanated from the throne or the episcopacy. 
Matters, trifling and insignificant in themselves, in 
reference to parish affairs were entertained by petition, 
which otherwise might have been settled by calling in 
the aid of the magistrate or the policeman. Thus, for 
instance, the inhabitants of a London parish complain, 
in their petition, 4 of certain persons who had entered 
the church, broken down and carried away the rails 
of the communion-table, and removed the table to the 
centre of the church. 7 The Judges were directed 
so to dispose of their business on the Saturday as to 
enable them to avoid Sunday travelling; the after¬ 
noon lectures on the Lord’s-day were ordered to be 
recommenced, and the rector or vicar was directed not 
to interfere with those who were appointed lecturers, 
unless they themselves preferred to undertake the duty. 
Protectionists had cause to quake for their privileges. 
The soap monopolies were declared illegal, and 
were therefore abolished. The farmers of the Kind’s 

o 

customs, fearing for their illgotten wealth, were glad to 



Cromwell’s remark to lord Falkland. 

compromise by submitting to a heavy fine. Petitions 
were presented, praying that titles of honour might no 
longer be bought and sold. But the chief business of 
the House, during the King’s absence, appears to have 
been that of preparing a grand remonstrance, to be 
presented on his return. It was an elaborate state- 
paper, setting forth all the illegal and oppressive acts 
of the monarch, extending over several previous years, 
and comprised in 206 articles. The debate on this 
subject was a most exciting one; it began at three 
o’clock, and lasted until ten the next morning, when 
the remonstrance was carried by a majority of nine 
only. 

Oliver Cromwell is said to have remarked to Lord 
Falkland, as they were leaving the House after the 
division, that 1 if the remonstrance had been rejected, 
he would have sold all he had the next morning, and 
never have seen England more.’ 

There can be no doubt that the decision to which the 
House had just come was, in its consequences, most 
unfortunate. Since the commencement of the Session, 
the King had accepted every measure they had pro¬ 
posed; therefore, to recapitulate all the grievances of 
the past, which, by the subsequent acts of his Majesty, 
were in a certain measure condoned, was, to say the 
least of it, illtimed and unnecessary; it was, more¬ 
over, expressed in intemperate, offensive, and ag¬ 
gressive language. What made the measure more 
repulsive, w r as the conduct of the House in causing its 
publication previous to being submitted to his Majesty; 
and this accounts for much of the irritation displayed 
by the King, a few days -later, in the impolitic 


135 


CHAP. 

VI. 


1641 



136 


CHAP. 

VI. 


1641 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 

and unwise course lie adopted towards the Parlia¬ 
ment. 

To render himself personally popular with the 
nation, and at the same time to isolate the House of 
Commons from all public sympathy, appears to have 
been the line of policy Charles proposed to himself 
in the present emergency. Accordingly, on his return 
from Scotland, three days after the debate on the 
remonstrance, he accepted a grand banquet, to which 
he had been invited at Guildhall, as he passed through 
the city. 

A description of this entertainment, as given by 
Rush worth and Nalson, is worth inserting. The 
Sheriffs of London met his Majesty at Stamford 
Hill; they were attended by seventy-two men, in 
scarlet cloaks. From Kingsland a new road was 
made through the fields for the occasion, which led 
direct to Moorgate. At the moment the King- 
approached the public conduits, claret-wine flowed 
therefrom. The banquet, ‘a right royal one, was 
furnished with four courses, the first consisting of 
fifty dishes of cold meats, such as brawn, fish, and 
cold baked meats planted upon the garnish or side- 
table. The other three were composed of all sorts 
of fish, fowl, and flesh, to the number of 120 dishes 
of the choicest viands that could be procured.’ 4 After 
which ’ (continues Nalson) 4 was served up a most 
excellent and well-ordered banquet of all sorts of 
sweetmeats and confections, wet and dry.’ 4 The meat ’ 
(says Rush worth) ‘was served up by the citizens, who 
stood close to each other, dressed in their gowns and 
hoods on each side of the hall, passing the dishes 



POPULARITY OP THE KING. 


137 


from hand to hand.’ At the conclusion the Kina' 
knighted the Lord Mayor’s son-in-law, and at four 
o’clock their Majesties went westward, going by 
Cheapside and St. Paul’s Churchyard. On passing 
the south porch of the cathedral, the church choir, in 
their robes, met the royal procession, and sang the 
National Anthem, accompanied by 4 sackbuts and cor¬ 
nets.’ Proceeding through Fleet Street, the Strand, 
to Whitehall, the windows being thronged with peo¬ 
ple, and the citizens’ houses decked with rich tapestry, 

4 the King returned to the royal abode at Whitehall.’ 

So great was the King’s popularity at this moment, 
that a few days later a petition from the citizens was 
presented, praying 4 that it might stand with his 
Majesty’s good pleasure to make his residence at the 
palace of Whitehall during this season of the year— 
your Majesty’s presence being very joyful to us, and 
your royal residence will give a quickening to the 
retailing trade.’ As now, so of old, the citizens, in 
the midst of their loyalty, had an eye to business, but 
this enthusiasm for royalty was not destined to last. 

Secure as the King thought himself in the affec¬ 
tions of his people, he now turned his attention to 
the refractory Commons, meditating how most effec¬ 
tively he could stamp out the spirit of rebellion 
and opposition so recently displayed on the part of 
that assembly. Whilst in Scotland, he made a dis¬ 
covery that the encouragement the Scots had received 
in their late resistance to Episcopacy came from the 
very men now foremost in the House with the 
remonstrance. There is every probability, in fact, 
that when he reached London his mind was quite 


CHAP. 

VI. 


1641 



138 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, made up, and he came prepared to strike the decisive 
—- blow, which followed a few days later. The success- 
1641 ful issue of the Guildhall banquet all the more 
confirmed him in the opinion that he had the people 
with him, and that the time had arrived when he 
could bid defiance to the refractory members at 
Westminster. 

Determined to thwart the Commons in every pos¬ 
sible way, he accepted the formal resignation of the 
popular Commander of the Forces, the Earl of Essex, 
and dismissed the guard from their attendance on 
the House. 

This latter act greatly offended the members, who 
petitioned to be allowed their guard as formerly: the 
King for some time refused, but at length told them 
they might employ the trainbands for that purpose. 
Objecting, however, to see about the precincts of the 
House, a body of men not immediately under their 
control, this offer was declined, and the matter 
dropped. The remonstrance was again taken up, and 
a deputation appointed to wait upon his Majesty with 
that important document. The King, meanwhile, had 
removed to Hampton Court Palace, and thither Sir 
Ralph Hopton, with the other members of the depu¬ 
tation, proceeded. Sir Ralph Hopton, in his report of 
what took place at this interview, made the following 
statement to the House:— 

c Last night he and those that accompanied him 
came into Hampton Court, where, meeting with Sir 
Richard Wynn, he went into his Majesty, and gave 
him notice of our being there ; and within a quarter 
of an hour, the King sent a gentleman-usher to call us 



REMONSTRANCE OF THE PARLIAMENT. 


in, with directions for none to come in but ourselves; 
whereupon I did according to your order, and the rest 
with me upon our knees, presenting the petition and 
remonstrance, and began to read it kneeling ; but his 
Majesty would not permit that, but commanded us 
to rise, and so I read it. 

4 The first thing to which his Majesty spake was that 
which charges a malignant party to be about his 
Majesty with a design to change religion, to which the 
King, with hearty fervency, said : 44 The devil take him, 
whomsoever he be, that has a design to change religion.’ 7 
After the reading of the petition, his Majesty said he 
desired to ask us some questions, but I answered that 
we had no power to speak to anything. Then said 
the King, 44 Does the House intend to publish this 
declaration?’’ We said we could not answer it. 
44 Well then,” said his Majesty, 44 1 suppose you do not 
expect an answer from me to so long a petition. But 
this let me tell you, I have left Scotland well in peace ; 
they are well satisfied with me, and I with them ; and, 
though I staid longer than I intended, I think that 
if I had not gone you had not been so soon rid of the 
army. I shall give you an answer to this business 
with as much speed as the weight thereof will 
permit.” And so was pleased to give us his hand to 
kiss, and thereupon we took our • leave; and after¬ 
wards Mr. Comptroller came to us with this message, 
that the King desired there should be no publishing of 
this declaration till we had received his answer. We 
were*all that night treated by Mr. Comptroller at 
supper, and entertained with great respect, and lodged 
in the King’s harbinger.’ 



140 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap. The King’s answer to the remonstrance, although 
-—r~—' dated December 1, was not received by the Commons 
1041 until some days after. It was curt and stinging— 
provoked from him, said some of the members, by 
the rumours that their remonstrance was unanswer¬ 
able, rather than by any desire to set himself right 
with the Parliament. 

4 Our intention is,’ the King said, ‘ that no failing 
on your part shall make us fail on ours. We cannot at 
all understand “ a malignant and wicked party ” pre¬ 
valent in the government concerning religion. We 
will concur with every just desire of our people in a 
parliamentary way. As to depriving the Bishops of 
their votes in Parliament, their right is grounded on 
the fundamental law of the kingdom. As to cere¬ 
monies in religion, we will willingly concur in the 
removal of them.’ 

In the midst of these unworthy squabbles, the 
nation was startled by the news of the Irish Re¬ 
bellion, which had broken out in that unhappy 
country, for the express object of exterminating Pro¬ 
testantism. During the continuance of this reign of 
terror, the most diabolical acts of cruelty that ever 
disgraced the annals of any civilised land were 
openly encouraged by the priests, and perpetrated by 
their bigoted followers. 

When the report reached London, on November 1, 
it immediately spread over the metropolis, producing 
alarm and indignation in every quarter. 200,000/. 
were voted at once, by the House of Commons, for 
the service of Ireland; an order was issued to secure 
the person of all Papists of influence and position 




THE IRISH REBELLION. 


141 


throughout England ; ships of war were despatched chap. 

to the Irish coasts, and forces, consisting of 6,000 foot •_ 

and 2,000 horse, placed under the command of the 1641 
Lord-Lieutenant. 

It is stated that upwards of 40,000 Protestants 
were treacherously murdered during the early days 
of this outbreak, under circumstances of the most 
cruel and revolting character; children of Roman 
Catholic parents being encouraged to strip and 
murder their little Protestant playfellows, hus¬ 
bands cut to pieces in the presence of their 
wives, their children’s brains dashed in their faces, 
and their servants killed whilst ploughing in the 
fields; the wife compelled to hang her own hus¬ 
band, whilst the priest stood by and encouraged 
the slaughter. In one parish, that of Kilmore, 
twenty-two Protestants were thrust into a thatched 
cottage, and burnt alive ; in another, seventeen 
women and children were cast alive into a bog-pit ; 
on another occasion, upwards of three hundred were 
stripped naked in a church, and nearly one-half of 
them murdered within the sacred edifice. One 
unfortunate man, named Gregg, w&s quartered, we are 
told, alive , and his remains thrown in the face of his 
own father, who was himself then cut into pieces in 
the presence of his own wife. Some were drowned, 
others burnt, the murderers forcing their victims to 
fetch the straw to burn them. Some were buried 
alive, and mothers were seen hanging on the gallows 
with their children tied round their necks. In some 
instances parents were compelled to murder their 
own children, husbands their own wives, and wives 


142 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, their own husbands. The inhuman butchers amused 
—<—■—' themselves in trying which cut hacked deepest into 
1641 Protestant flesh. But ‘the half has not been told,’ 
say the historians of the period; and there were deeds 
committed so diabolically dark and horrid, that the 
imagination must be left to suggest rather than the 
pen to record the nature of them. 

To revert once more to English matters. The 
latent combustion, long smouldering beneath, at 
length began to come to the surface, and was first 
perceptible, as is usual, among the lower orders, who, 
taking advantage of the differences (says Whitelock) 
between the King and the Parliament, came ‘ in great 
numbers and tumults ’ to Whitehall. 

These, for the most part, were composed of the 
youths and apprentices of the city. They assembled 
opposite the Houses of Parliament, and hooted the 
unpopular members as they entered, especially the 
Bishops, who received proofs of illwill so unendur¬ 
able, that they withdrew, and sent in a protest to the 
King, declaring the illegality of all or any Acts passed 
during their absence. That the withdrawal of a few 
members should be considered sufficient to stultify 
the deliberate decisions of the rest was simply 
absurd. If, instead of protesting, they had called 
upon the authorities for protection, their incon¬ 
siderate step would not have brought down upon 
them, as it did, the anger of the Lower House; for by 
8 o’clock at night, all who had signed the protest 
were taken into custody, and committed to the 
Tower on the charge of high treason. 

Another unfortunate step, at this period, on the part 


FATAL ACT OF IIIS MAJESTY. 


143 


of the Court, was the injudicious selection of Colonel chap. 

Lunsford for the office of Lieutenant of the Tower—a __ 

man who had been an outlaw, of profligate manners, 1642 
and of notoriously bad character. The King, however, 
on the representations of the Lord Mayor, that distur¬ 
bances were likely to ensue, cancelled the appoint¬ 
ment a few days after. 

The climax of the King’s forbearance towards the 
Parliament had now been reached, and the cherished 
moment he had so long waited for at length arrived; 
aggression, and not concession, was to be the future 
order of the day. Up to this a reconciliation might 
have been practicable, but his next step destroyed 
all chance of it for ever. 

It was on January 3, 1642, that the King, acting on 
the advice of Lord Digby, sent the Attorney-General, 

Sir Edward Herbert, down to the House of Peers, to 
accuse five members of the Lower and one of the Upper 
House of high treason. Lord Kimbolton, Mr. Denzil 
Hollis, Sir Arthur Haselrig, Mr. John Pym, John 
Hampden, and Mr. W. Stroud were charged with 
endeavouring c to subvert the fundamental laws and 
government of the kingdom, of seeking to deprive 
the King of royal power, traitorously endeavouring 
to alienate the affections of his people, inviting and 
encouraging a foreign Power to invade his Majesty’s 
kingdom of England, traitorously endeavouring to 
subvert the rights of Parliaments and their very exist¬ 
ence ; and finally, for the completing of their traitorous 
designs, they had endeavoured, so far as in them 
lay, by force and terror to compel the Parliament to 
join with them, and to that end had actually raised 



144 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, and countenanced tumults against the King and 
vi. 

'-" Parliament.’ 

This act was followed by another equally startling 
and unconstitutional. Whilst the Attorney-General 
was making these charges, persons were employed in 
sealing the boxes, desks, and papers found at the lodg¬ 
ings of Messrs. Pym and Hollis, as also at the houses of 
the three other members of the Lower House. On the 
news of this reaching the House, the Sergeant was sent 
to break open the seals, and arrest all who opposed 
them. A resolution also passed, ordering into custody 
4 any person whatever who should come to the lodging 
of any member, and there offer to seal their doors, 
trunks, or papers.’ Outside St. Stephens there was 
great commotion among the people, for, simultaneously 
with these proceedings, Whitehall had been placed in 
a state of defence by the presence of troops. 

A conference between the two Houses immediately 
ensued, during which the Serjeant-at-Arms made his 
appearance, and demanded in the King’s name the 
persons of the accused members. The House replied 
by requesting the officer to withdraw, and appointing 
a deputation, who went to wait upon the King at 
Whitehall, and informed him, ‘that the message being 
a matter of great consequence, and concerning the 
privileges of Parliament, they would take it into con¬ 
sideration, and attend his Majesty with an early 
answer. In the meantime the accused members 
should be ready to answer any legal charge made 
against them.’ 

The next day the two Houses met together again in 
conference, a rumour having meanwhile spread that 



THE KING IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 


the King had sent to the Inns of Court, to summon 
those among the members of the inns who had volun¬ 
teered a few days since to defend his Majesty in case 
of need. 

A messenger was despatched by the House, to 
enquire into the truth of this report, which proved to 
be correct, and the answer received from these early 
pioneers of the 4 Devil's Own ’ deserves insertion : 
4 The King had sent them a messenger the evening 
before, that they should keep within to-morrow, and 
be ready at an hour’s notice if the King should have 
occasion to use them.’ 

Whilst pondering over these proceedings that 
afternoon, the five accused members being present 
in their places, the King himself made his appear¬ 
ance in their midst, accompanied by a large number 
of soldiers, who, however, were not brought into 
the body of the House, but left at the doors. For¬ 
tunately for the five, however, just before the King’s 
appearance, one Captain Langrish sent a private inti¬ 
mation to them, and they instantly made their escape 
just as the King entered. 4 By your leave, Mr. 
Speaker,’ said his Majesty, as he walked towards that 
officer; 4 1 must borrow your chair for a little.’ 
The Speaker immediately vacated the chair, and the 
King stepped into it. After he had remained there 
for a moment, he rose and stood, still casting his eye 
around, as if in search for the five delinquents, the 
whole House, meanwhile, standing in silence round 

r ,*• 

his Majesty. At last he spoke nearly as follows: — 

4 1 am sorry for this occasion of coming unto you. 
Yesterday I sent a sergeant-at-arms upon a very 


146 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

VI. 


1642 . 


important occasion, to apprehend some that by my 
command were accused of high treason; whereunto I 
did expect obedience, and not a message. Albeit no 
king that ever was in England shall be more careful 
of your privileges, yet you must know that in 
cases of treason no person hath a privilege, and 
therefore I am come to know if any of these persons 
are here. Fori must tell you, gentlemen, that so 
long as these persons that I have accused are here, I 
cannot expect that this House will be in the right 
way that I heartily wish it to be. Therefore I am 
come to tell you that I must have them, wheresoever 
I find them. Well, since I see all the birds are flown, 
I do expect from you that you shall send them unto 
me as soon as they return hither. But I assure you, 
on the word of a king, I never did intend any force, 
but I shall proceed against them in a legal and fair 
way, for I never meant any other. 

4 And now, since I cannot do what I came for, I 
think this no unfit occasion to~ what I have said 
formerly, that whatsoever I have done in favour and 
to the good of my subjects, I do mean to maintain it. 

4 I will trouble you no more, but tell you I do 
expect, as soon as they come to the House, you will 
send them to me ; otherwise I must take my own 
course to find them.’ 

Before departing the King turned round to where 
the Speaker was standing, and enquired whether he 
saw any of them, and where they were. The 
Speaker replied, falling on his knees: 4 1 have 
neither eyes to see, nor tongue to speak, in this place 
but as the House is pleased to direct me, whose 



ROYAL INTIMIDATION. 


147 


servant I am here, and humbly beg your Majesty’s chap. 
pardon that I cannot give any other answer than this.’ >—V— 
Whereupon the King took his departure, amidst loud 16i2 * 
cries, from several of the members, of 4 Privilege! 
Privilege, your Majesty! ’ The House then ad¬ 
journed to one o’ clock the next day. 

The news of the King’s attempt to intimidate the 
Commons speedily spread like wildfire over London, 
completely obliterating all his previous popularity. 

The day following, the House, on reassembling, voted 
unanimously, that their privileges having been in¬ 
vaded and violated by the King, they could no longer in 
security continue their sittings at W estminster; there¬ 
fore they resolved to remove to Guildhall. A com¬ 
mittee, consisting of twenty-four members, was ap¬ 
pointed there to meet, and the House adjourned until 
January 11. But the King—determined, if possible, 
to be beforehand with them in the City—on this same 
January 5 ordered the Common Council to meet him 
at Guildhall, whither his Majesty proceeded, amidst 
the cries of the multitude in the streets, who assailed 
him with shouts of 4 Privilege! privilege!—Privileges 
of Parliament! ’ And one in the crowd, more bold than 
the rest, threw into the royal carriage a paper, where¬ 
on was written, 4 To your tents 0 Israel! ’ 

Such, then, was the reception he received from 
those who but a brief month previous had been so 
demonstrative in their welcome. The King, however, 
was not to be shaken from his purpose. 4 1 am come,’ 
he said to the Lord Mayor and Corporation, assembled 
at Guildhall— 4 1 am cofne to demand such persons as 
I have already accused of high treason, and do believe 

L 2 


148 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, are shrouded in the City. I hope no good man will 
—■ ■—' keep them from me; their offences are treason. I 
desire your loving assistance that they may be brought 
to a legal trial. And whereas there are divers sus¬ 
picions raised that I am a favourer of the Popish re¬ 
ligion, I do profess, in the name of a king, that I did, 
and ever will to the utmost of my power, be a prose¬ 
cutor of all such as shall in any way oppose the laws 
and statutes of this kingdom, either Papists or separa¬ 
tists ; and not only so, but will maintain and defend 
the true Protestant religion which my father did pro¬ 
fess, and I will continue in it during my life.’ 

There is a strange inconsistency in these profes¬ 
sions to grant 1 a fair legal trial ’ to those whom he 
was thus illegally seeking to secure, which seems to 
have escaped his Majesty’s observation, but doubtless 
was apparent to the matter-of-fact men he addressed; 
for although the five members were actually at that 
moment within the precincts of the City, not one of the 
city magnates volunteered his 4 loving assistance ’ in 
order to secure them. But the sentiments of the 
citizens were placed beyond all doubt two days later, 
when a petition to his Majesty w^as presented, severely 
reflecting on the state of things in general:—the dis¬ 
tractions in Ireland; foreign interference in favour of 
the rebels; plots at home against the Protestants; the 
animus shown in the selection of persons as gover¬ 
nors of the Tower; fortifying Whitehall; the applica¬ 
tion for assistance to the Inns of Court; and, above 
all, his Majesty’s late aggressive attempt to intimidate 
the Commons, by going to that assembly with troops. 

It is significant of the power and influence of the 


THE CITY OF LONDON PETITION. 


149 


City on all public matters at this period, that the chap. 
King should have condescended to answer this peti- >—ZZ—- 
tion, which he did, in the most mild and conciliatory 
manner, by replying to each complaint seriatim, as if 
to make a marked contrast in his behaviour towards 
the citizens as compared with that he displayed to¬ 
wards the House of Commons. He told them that, on 
behalf of Ireland, nothing had been c unoffered or un¬ 
done ’ on his part. As to the Tower, he had, in order 
to remove the fears of the City, removed a good and 
trusty servant, and put another of unquestionable re¬ 
putation in his place. At Whitehall he had done no 
more than was consistent with the strange provocation 
he had received ; neither had he accepted the services 
of the Inns of Court, or knew of any endeavours of 
theirs beyond what c loyalty and dutiful affection ’ had 
called forth. As for his going to the House of Com¬ 
mons, he was verily persuaded that, if the petitioners 
knew the clear grounds upon which those persons 
stood accused of high treason, they would believe his 
going thither 4 was an act of grace and favour to that 
House, and the most peaceable way of having that ne¬ 
cessary service performed; and for the proceedings 
against those persons, he ever intended the same 
should be with all justice and favour, according to the 
laws of the realm.’ 

Quite conscious of his grace and favour in thus 
replying, he adds: ‘ And this extraordinary way of 
answering a petition of so unusual a nature, his 
Majesty is confidently persuaded, will be thought the 
greatest instance that can be given of his Majesty’s 
clear intentions to his subjects, and of the singular 



150 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, estimation lie liath of the good affections of this city, 
—' which he believes will never be wanting in gratitude 
1642, to his just commands and service . 7 

Meanwhile the Committee of the House met at 
Guildhall, and came to the resolution, which they em¬ 
bodied in their report, that the publishing of the 
several articles of high treason against the five mem¬ 
bers of the Lower and one of the Upper House was a 
breach of the privileges of Parliament, and that the 
privileges thus violated could not be sufhcently vindi¬ 
cated unless his Majesty would be pleased to discover 
the names of those persons who had advised him to 
this step. 

On January 11, the Parliament again assembled at 
St. Stephen’s, and awaited the arrival of the Com¬ 
mittee, which came by water from the City with a large 
escort of sailors and watermen—a. rumour having 
prevailed that an attempt to interfere with their pro¬ 
gress westward was intended. The trainbands also 
assembled, to guard the streets from military inter- 
f erence. T his popular display of physical force appears 
to have been decisive, for the King, dreading a col¬ 
lision or an insult, chose to leave Whitehall before the 
arrival of the Committee, and retired to Hampton 
Court. He was never more destined to see that 
palace, the scene of many trials and of much domestic 
happiness, except when on the sad occasion, a few 
years later, he was led to the scaffold. 

This attempt to invade the privileges of the Com¬ 
mons was the last in the direction of arbitrary power: 
henceforth his endeavours were directed to govern in 
the spirit of the Constitution, with conciliation, con- 



CONCILIATORY MESSAGE TO PARLIAMENT. 

cessions, and peace—now alas too late! for no one 
trusted his good intentions. Suspicion, mistrust, and 
unbelief were universal; repeated acts of duplicity 
had destroyed for ever all confidence, and 4 the sacred 
word of a king’ he had pawned so often that no 
political capital could again be realised on it. 

The next day the King sent the following conci¬ 
liatory mesage to both Houses:— 4 His Majesty, taking 
notice that some conceive it disputable whether his 
proceedings (against the six members of both Houses) 
be legal and agreeable to the privileges of Parliament, 
and being very desirous to give satisfaction to all 
men in all matters that may seem to have relation to 
privilege, is pleased to waive his former proceedings; 
and all doubts by this means being settled, when the 
minds of men are composed, his Majesty will proceed 
thereupon in an unquestionable way, and assures his 
Parliament that upon all occasions he will be as care¬ 
ful of their privileges as of his life or his crown.’ 

This message was supplemented by another (on the 
14th) from Windsor, whither the Court had removed, 
in which the King asserts that 4 he never had the least 
intention of violating the least privilege of Parliament’; 
and in case any doubt this, he expresses 4 his willing¬ 
ness to clear that by any reasonable way that his 
Parliament shall advise him to.’ He concludes by 
4 assuring himself that his care of their privileges will 
increase their tenderness of his lawful prerogatives.’ 

The Commons, however, were in no mood to let 
the matter rest. The next day the Attorney-General, 
Sir Edward Herbert, was brought to the bar of the 
House of Lords, and examined as to the part he had 


151 


CHAP. 

VI. 


1642 . 



LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


taken in the matter. Ilis answer proving unsatis¬ 
factory, he was impeached. 

They next proceeded to petition the King for proof 
against the members. To this his Majesty replied, 
that when the proper time came to declare it, he 
should be able to satisfy all parties on this point; nor 
would he take upon himself to decide whether the 
issue should be tried at common law or by impeach¬ 
ment, preferring to leave the selection of the tribunal 
to themselves. , 

The Commons followed the matter up with energy 
and perseverance, until at length the King, finding 
there would be no end to the difficulties of his false 
position, did that which it had been well for him to 
have done at the first: he retreated, retracted, and 
finally set the matter at rest by abandoning the charge 
against the six members, under cover of a ‘ free and 
general pardon for the full contentment of all his 
loving subjects. 7 

Thus heavily passed the early days of the new year 
at the royal castle of Windsor. With February 
came other troubles to the royal household. Early 
in that month it was privately decided on that the 
Queen should seek foreign aid and assistance on the 
Continent . In this matter great caution and secrecy 
was observed. On February 9, the Eoyal Family left 
Windsor for Hampton Court: one night only sufficed 
there; the next was passed at Greenwich, the two 
succeeding at Rochester and Canterbury. On the 
23rd the Queen, accompanied by the Prince of 
Orange and the young Princess Mary, sailed from 
Dover for Holland. In her possession were the crown- 


THE KING RETREATS TO YORK. 


153 


jewels, to be hereafter employed in raising loans for 
the coming struggle, which now appeared inevitable. 

The Queen was no sooner removed to a place 
of safety, than his Majesty proceeded by easy stages 
to York ; that city being the centre of his most reli¬ 
able friends, and having also the advantage of proxi¬ 
mity to his Scottish subjects, on whom he thought 
in cases of emergency he could rely. He reached 
York on March 19. A constant communication 
continued meanwhile between the King and the 
Parliament in reference to the militia, the great 
struggle being which should gain the control: the 
latter, however, were unable to obtain the King’s 
permission, either to raise troops or to appoint 
officers. To one of these communications from the 
Commons, from which may be gathered the discur¬ 
sive nature of their correspondence, his Majesty 
replied as follows:— 

4 1 am so much amazed at this message that 1 
know not what to answer. You speak of jealousies 
and fears; lay your hands to your hearts, and ask 
yourselves, whether I may not likewise be disturbed 
with fears and jealousies; and if so, I assure you this 
message has nothing lessened them. 

4 For the militia, I thought so much of it before I 
sent that answer, and am so much assured that the 
answer is agreeable to what in justice you can ask, or 
1 in honour grant, that I shall not alter in any point. 

4 For my residence near you, I wish it might be so 
safe and honourable, that I had no cause to absent 
myself from Whitehall; ask yourselves whether I 
have not. 


CHAP. 



154 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

VI. 

”16427 


4 For my son, I shall take care of him which shall 
justify me to God as a father, and to my dominions 
as a king. 

4 To conclude, I assure you, upon my honour, that 
I have no thought but of peace and justice to my 
people, which I shall by all fair means seek to pre¬ 
serve and maintain, relying upon the goodness and 
providence of God for the preservation of myself 
and rights.’ 

When it is considered that, at the time the King 
was penning this reply, he was actually engaged in 
raising troops, and that the Queen was endeavouring 
to collect money by pawning the crown-jewels in 
Holland, the amount of duplicity thus exhibited is 
perfectly appalling. 

The House, on the receipt of this answer, resolved 
4 that the kingdom be forthwith put into a posture of 
defence, by authority of both Houses, in such a way 
as is already agreed upon by both Houses of Parlia¬ 
ment’ ; and they issued an ordinance for the militia, 
empowering the lord-lieutenants of the several coun¬ 
ties to raise troops. A lengthy declaration was also 
submitted to his Majesty, by a deputation of members, 
to which the King made a general reply, concluding 
with the following words:— 

4 Wliat would you have ? Have I molested your 
laws? Have I denied to pass any Bill for the ease 
and security of my subjects? I do not ask you what 
you have done for me. 

4 Have any of my people been transported with 
fears and apprehensions? I have offered a free and 
general pardon, as yourselves can devise. All this 


EUPTUEE BETWEEN THE KING AND PAELIAMENT. 


155 


considered, there is a judgment from heaven upon 
this nation if these distractions continue. 

4 God so deal with me and mine as all my thoughts 
and intentions are upright for the maintenance of the 
true Protestant profession, and for the preservation of 
the laws of the land; and I hope God wfill bless and 
assist those laws for my preservation! 7 

As a last resort, before departing, the deputation 
obtained an audience of the King, and, through one 
of the deputies, Lord Pembroke enquired whether he 
would grant the militia, for a definite period, to which 
his Majesty replied, with an oath— 4 No, not for an 
hour! 7 

At length, on May 26, the King sent forth a pro¬ 
clamation, forbidding the execution of the parlia¬ 
mentary ordinance about the militia; to which both 
Houses joined issue, by sending forth a declaration 
forbidding all persons to obey the King’s proclamation. 

Henceforth the nation may be said to have been 
divided in its allegiance, each side preparing for the 
ultimatum of war, by carrying on, in every possible 
way, a system of misrepresentation, terror, and in¬ 
timidation. Whatever may have been the opinion 
of the nation at large, the leading men on both sides 
were no longer doubtful as to the nature of the next 


CHAP. 

VI. 

1642. 


step which inevitably presented itself to their minds. 
Charles hesitated no longer, but issued forth the 
celebrated commission of array, to which the Parlia¬ 
ment responded by proceeding to raise the militia. 


156 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

VII. 

1642 f 


CHAPTER VII. 

State of England at tlie Outbreak of the Civil War—Cromwell employed 
in Collecting Men and Money—Commands a Troop—Military Visit to 
his Kinsman at Ramsay—Baxter’s Opinion of Oliver Cromwell—The 
Discipline of the Soldiers under Cromwell—His Statement concerning 
them—Their Religious Welfare—The Royal Standard set up at Not¬ 
tingham—Early Indecision of the Parliamentary General—Battle of 
Edgehill—Cromwell’s Description of the Parliamentary Troops—Forced 
Loans become necessary—Retreat of the Royal Army to Oxford— 
Successful Skirmish of Prince Rupert—Cromwell in the Associated 
Counties under the Earl of Manchester—The Queen returns to Eng¬ 
land w r ith Succours—The Parliament disposed towards Peace, but not 
so the Royalists—The Two Armies break up their Winter Quarters— 
Cavalry Skirmish and Death of Hampden—Oliver Cromwell’s success¬ 
ful Encounter at Hertford—Affair at Lowestoft—His Letter from 
Gainsborough—Distinction between a Cavalry Soldier and a Mus¬ 
keteer—Gloomy Prospects of the Parliament Forces in the Summer of 
1643—Energetic Appeal of Cromwell for Supplies—Skirmish near 
Gainsborough—Cromwell’s Description of the Fight—Death of the 
Royalist General Cavendish—Unsuccessful Efforts to Retain Lincoln 
by the Parliamentary Forces—Cromwell is ably supported by the 
Parliament—The Scots accept the Invitation to join in the National 
Struggle, on condition that Episcopacy in England be abolished, and 
Presbyterianism substituted—The Westminster Confession of Faith— 
The Scots Army Raised—Cromwell and Fairfax attack Sir John 
Henderson’s Forces near Horncastle — Cromwell’s Danger in this 
Encounter—His Graphic Description of the Fight—Retires to Ely at 
the End of the Campaign—Death of Pym—His Character—Death of 
other Eminent Men—Poverty and Distress of Bishop Hall and other 
distinguished Ecclesiastics—Laud in the Tower—His Diary, written 
at this Period—His Death on Tower Hill, 

When the Civil War broke out, in the spring of 1642, 
England presented a sad picture of social disorder 
and dismay in every rank and station of life. Some 
districts in the extreme north and west, from their 
isolated position, and consequent infrequent inter- 



DISASTROUS CONSEQUENCES OF CIVIL WAR. 


157 


course with the rest of the kingdom, ranged them- chap. 

° . VII 

selves from the first almost entirely on the side of -—A- 

... -1642. 

the King. The rest of the nation, with the exception 
of the landed aristocracy, declared for the Parliament. 

Some idea of the anarchy and confusion prevalent 
may be formed when it is recollected that in this 
struggle the ties of relationship were no longer 
recognised as influencing families or individuals, and 
a man’s foes were often those of his own household. 

The father would be found fighting on one side—the 
sons on the other; the mother separated from her 
own children, and the wife from her own relations. 

No ties of consanguinity were permitted to influ¬ 
ence in this unfortunate and vehement dispute. 

Not unfrequently, towards the latter end of the 
war, when the contest became more unequal, these 
natural ties of relationship once more asserted them¬ 
selves, and both shelter and protection were afforded 
by the victorious to their weaker and more unfortunate 
kinsmen. A case of this kind occurred to the elder 
branch of the Cromwell family, whose estate, but for 
the influence and intercession of Oliver, would have 
been confiscated when the parliamentary forces gained 
the upper hand. The family of Milton affords an¬ 
other instance; his wife’s relations had embraced the 
Royalist cause, and when victory declared for the 
opposite side, the poet was able to shield them, by his 
powerful influence, from the confiscation which other¬ 
wise would inevitably have happened to their property. 

The sinews of war, money, now became the grand 
desideratum. On behalf of the King, private loans 
were had recourse to, and if none were forthcoming, 


158 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP 

VII. 

1042. 


or had already been exhausted, the family plate kept 
the Mint for some time in action, and the heirlooms 
of many generations, precious as works of art far 
beyond their intrinsic worth, were melted into the 
current coin of the realm. The Universities, espe¬ 
cially that of Oxford, together with the wealthy clergy 
throughout the kingdom, distinguished themselves in 
these acts of liberal vandalism. 

The Parliament had a wider range than the 
Loyalists, and one far more prolific in the article so 
essential to successful warfare—namely, ready money. 
Their supporters embraced the wealthy mercantile 
and professional classes congregated in the large 
towns, not to mention the metropolis itself, the em¬ 
porium of trade, with its ramifications of commerce 
embracing then, as now, the civilised world. Nor 
were the more wealthy members of the Lower House 
less liberally inclined to aid and assist than others at 
this juncture. Oliver Cromwell, we read in the 4 Com¬ 
mons Journal’ of February 7, lent 300/., and his 
cousin John Hampden 1,000/. Many other persons 
likewise loaned large sums to the State, to meet the 
expenses of the coming struggle. 

The Eoyalists in the House still formed a powerful 
minority, valuable and important to the more mo¬ 
derate party, if they had only been permitted by the 
King to remain. Obstinate, and blind as ever to his 
own interests, instead of doing this, he commanded 
them to quit London, and join him at York, thus de¬ 
priving the more moderate members of their presence 
at a very critical period, destroying all chance of 
successful opposition, and enabling the majority to 



THE IRONSIDES TROOP. 


159 


release from attendance and despatch several of their chap. 

x VII. 

most influential members into the country, wherever >— 

* 7 1642 

they possessed county influence, in order to aid in 
raising the militia, now being armed and drilled in 
almost every parish. 

Oliver Cromwell was one of the members chosen 
for this employment. He not only materially assisted 
to collect men, but he advanced money to purchase 
their weapons; for we find the House subsequently 
voted 100/., to recoup him for this outlay. 

One of the first results of his active presence in the 
eastern district, whither he was sent, occurred at 
Cambridge, where he seized the castle, with most of 
the University plate, which, but for this, would have 
been despatched to the King a day or two later. 

The exigencies of the times now demanded military 
rather than political celebrities. In this emergency, 
the Commons made choice of the Earl of Essex for 
Lieutenant-General, the young Earl of Bedford being 
appointed General of the Horse. Under the latter 
Cromwell commanded a troop, and his son served as 
cornet in another troop of horse. Oliver was also 
appointed Commissioner of Militia for the Eastern 
Counties, aiding besides, very materially, the Lieuten¬ 
ant-General, in procuring ample ammunition-waggons 
for the service of the army. 

Cromwell fixed his headquarters at Cambridge; 
thither he gathered around him, from the well-known 
districts of Ely, Huntingdon, and St. Ives, the men 
he well knew, by past experience, on whom he could 
rely—Puritans, praying-men, of stern, dogged, deter¬ 
mined self-reliance, who believed in God and in the des- 


160 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, tiniesof their leader. These were the materials out of 
vii. 

——k— which Oliver formed the invincible troop of 4 Iron- 

1642. • . 

sides/ so conspicuous in the coming struggle. 

One of the first services this troop was called upon 
to perform in their own district happened shortly 
after their formation. It was by no means a pleasant 
one, requiring secrecy, promptness, and the negation 
of old friendships. Oliver was commanded to visit the 
mansions of all the known or suspected Royalists in his 
own county, and to seize whatever plate or valuables 
he found therein. Warwick, in his memoirs, mentions 
a circumstance connected with one of these visits: — 

1 1 have to observe’ (says he), 4 that whilst I was 
about Huntingdon, visiting old Sir Oliver, his 
(Oliver’s) uncle and godfather, at his house at 
Ramsay, he told me this story of his successful 
nephew and godson: that he visited him with a good 
strong party of horse, and that he had asked him his 
blessing, and that the few hours he was there he 
would not keep on his hat in his presence; but at the 
same time, he not only disarmed, but plundered him, 
for he took away all his plate.’ 

No one knew better than Oliver the proclivities of 
his old Royalist uncle down at Ramsay ; and it is very 
possible that this timely visit of the nephew saved the 
uncle from unpleasant consequences, which would 
have ensued had he compromised himself with the 
King in the disposal of his plate in that direction. 

An interesting testimony is given by the pious 
Richard Baxter, of the care Oliver Cromwell took at 
this period to make choice of God-fearing men to 
serve in his troop. Baxter, be it remembered, was 


TRAINING OF THE IRONSIDES TROOI\ 


161 


no friend to Oliver, and therefore his opinion is the 
more to be relied on. 

c I think,’ says Baxter, 4 that Cromwell, having 
been a prodigal in his youth, and afterwards changed 
to a zealous religionist, he meant honestly in the 
main, and was pious and conscionable in the main 
course of his life, till prosperity and success corrupted 
him: that at the first entry into the wars, being but 
a captain of the horse, he had a special care to get 
religious men into his troop.’ 

A whimsical account of Oliver’s method of training 
his raw recruits is given by another writer. It was 
during one of their first musters (says lumber), 
that he privily 4 placed an ambuscade of twelve 
of his men near, who sounded a charge at a given 
signal, and made furiously towards the body, of 
which above twenty, thinking they came from the 
enemy, presently fled for fear, whom Cromwell im¬ 
mediately cashiered, and then mounted their horses 
with others who were more bold and courageous.’ 
A contemporary, speaking of the discipline of this 
troop, adds the following:— 4 As for Cromwell, he 
hath brave men well disciplined. No man swears 
but he pays his twelve pence; if he be drunk, he is 
set in the stocks, or worse; if one calls the other 
roundhead, he is cashiered; insomuch that the coun¬ 
ties where they come leap for joy of them, and join 
with them.’ 

Another authority—Bates, the author of 4 Elenchus 
Mortuum,’ a man especially prejudiced against Oliver 
—tells us that he accustomed his troops 4 daily to look 
after, feed, and dress their horses, and, when it was 

M 


CHAP. 

VII. 

1642. 



162 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

VII. 


1642. 


necessary, to lay together on the ground; and, besides, 
taught them to clean, keep their arms bright, and 
have them ready for service—to chose the best 
armour, and to arm themselves to the best advantage. 
Trained up in this kind of military exercise, they 
excelled all their fellow-soldiers in feats of war, and 
obtained more victories over the enemy.’ 

But let us hear Oliver himself, when, in after¬ 
years, he mournfully discoursed to others on this 
eventful period of his life, as he looked back upon 
the trials, sufferings, and political failures of sub¬ 
sequent experience. He is addressing his second 
Parliament, in the year 1657 : — 

4 If you do not all of you, I am sure some of you 
do know my calling from the first to this day. I was 
a person who, from my first employment, was sud¬ 
denly preferred and lifted up from lesser trust to 
greater—from my first being a captain of a troop of 
horse—and did labour as well as I could to discharge 
my trust, and God blessed me, as it pleased Him, 
and I did desire to make my instruments help me in 
that work. ... I had a very worthy friend then, 
and he was a very noble person, and I know his 
memory is very grateful to all—Mr. Hampden. At 
my first going out, I saw our men were beaten at 
every hand—I did, indeed; and desired him that he 
would make some additions to my Lord Essex’s 
army of some new regiments, and I told him I 
would be serviceable to him in bringing such men in 
as I thought had a spirit that would do something in 
the work. “ Your troops,” said I, “are most of them 
old decayed serving-men and tapsters, and such kind 



CROMWELL, HAMPDEN, AND BAXTER. 


163 


of fellows; and their troops are gentlemen’s sons, 
younger sons, and persons of quality. Do you think 
that the spirits of such base and mean fellows will 
ever be able to encounter gentlemen that have honour 
and courage and resolution in them?” Truly I did 
represent to him in this manner conscientiously. 
“ You must get men of spirit, and—take it not ill 
what I say, I know you will not—of a spirit that is 
likely to go on as far as gentlemen will go, or else 
you will be beaten still.” I told him so. He was a 
'wise and worthy person, and he did think I talked a 
good notion, but an impracticable one. Truly, I told 
him, I could do somewhat in it. I did so, and truly, 
I must say this to you—impute it to what you 
please—I raised such men as had the fear of God 
before them , as made some conscience of what they 
did, and from that day forward they were never 
beaten, and wherever they were engaged against the 
enemy, they beat continually. And truly this is 
matter of praise to God, and it hath some instruction 
in it, to own men who are religious and godly.’ 

Cromwell’s anxiety for the religious welfare of his 
men is best evidenced by the care he took to obtain 
for them properly qualified teachers. It was in the 
spring of the year 1643, whilst at Cambridge, that 
Richard Baxter was invited to become chaplain to 
his troop, which however Baxter, for some reason or 
other, declined. Possibly, with many others of that 
period, he thought the path of duty lay not in open 
resistance to the 4 powers that be.’ Baxter’s views of 
the importance of sound religious teaching, however, 
were in accordance with the great Puritan leaders of 

M 2 


CHAP. 

VII. 


1642. 




164 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

VII. 


1G42. 


that day. On this subject he has left on record the 
following important remarks:— 

4 If it be in your power, live under a judicious, 
faithful, searching, powerful minister, attend his 
public teaching, and use his private counsel for more 
particular direction and application, for the settling 
and managing the affairs of your souls, even as you 
take the advice of physicians for your health, and of 
lawyers for your estates, and tutors for your studies.’ 

On August 22 the King left York to set up his 
standard at Nottingham, in the hope and expectation 
that numbers would flock to him so soon as it became 
known in that central district. In this, however, he 
was disappointed, for but few at the first rallied round 
him. This movement of the King induced a corres¬ 
ponding step on the part of the Parliamentary General, 
who, with an army of 16,000 men, made North¬ 
ampton his headquarters. Meanwhile the King, 
learning that Shrewsbury had declared in his favour, 
removed to that town, where, in a few days, he was 
surrounded by an army of 10,000 foot and 4,000 
horse. 

During these events useless messages were passing 
from the King to the Parliament, the object being to 
gain time for the arrival of the supplies expected 
from abroad; at length they reached their destination, 
and with them came the King’s nephew, Prince Rupert, 
who proved one of the bravest, though not the most 
prudent, of all the King’s Generals in the Civil War. 
These timely arrivals decided his Majesty to act on 
the offensive; accordingly, he now left the Valley of the 
Severn, and began his march towards the south, with 



BATTLE OF EDGEHILL. 


165 


the intention of appearing before London, having chap. 

VII 

a numerous army, composed of the yeomanry and *— 
aristocracy of the west: the latter were especially 1642 * 
distinguished by their bold military bearing and 
imposing appearance. 

Indecision appears to have marked the conduct of 
the Parliamentary General at this early period of the 
Civil War. With a force sufficient to arrest the 
Royalists on their march towards Shrewsbury, and 
also to cut off the large supplies Charles was waiting 
for from the Continent, he yet suffered both these 
opportunities to be lost, without making the slightest 
effort to prevent the one or the other. It was no 
part of his Majesty’s plans to encounter the Parlia¬ 
mentary troops on his route towards the metropolis. 

Some have thought that he disdained rather than 
feared them, counting it of no material importance to 
leave what he looked upon as an undisciplined rabble 
in his rear. Essex now became thoroughly awake to 
* the danger of letting the King march on London. 

He followed the royal troops in great haste, and the 
two armies met at Edgehill, an eminence over¬ 
looking an extensive plain known as Keinton, situated 
some six miles west of Banbury, in Oxfordshire. 

The Battle of Edgehill, or Keinton, was fought on 
Sunday, October 22. The day, of all others, espe¬ 
cially set apart by a professedly Christian people, thus 
inaugurated the horrors of civil war. History fur¬ 
nishes similar parallels; a significant proof of the 
little hold the religion of Him whose mission was to 
bring peace on earth has upon mankind in general 
when under the influence of passion or party strife. 


1GG 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

VII. 

1612. 


It is a melancholy fact that many of the great 
struggles in modern times have either been com¬ 
menced or decided on the Sabbath-day. The Battle 
of Bunker’s Hill, in the American War of Inde¬ 
pendence, and the more recent one at Bull’s Run, 
were fought on a Sunday ; so also the first great 
battle in the Crimea, the Prussian victory at Sadowa, 
and the Battle of Waterloo. 

In this battle both the Cromwells, father and 
son, were present. An amusing anecdote, as impro¬ 
bable as it is diverting, is told of the elder Cromwell 
by Sir William Dugdale. Before the battle, says this 
authority, ‘some of the Parliamentary troops, standing 
doubtful of the success, forbore to adventure them¬ 
selves therein, among which the after-famous Oliver 
Cromwell was one ; who, being captain of a troop of 
horse in the General’s regiment, came not into the 
field, but got up into a steeple within view of the 
battle. There, discerning the two wings of their horde 
to be utterly routed, made such haste to be gone 
that, instead of descending the stairs, he let himself 
down by the bell-rope, and ran away with his troop.’ 

Seeing the discomfiture, not to say disgrace, which 
befell the Parliamentary cavalry in this engagement, it 
was well for the two Cromwells that nothing worse 
happened to them than a hasty retreat down a church 
bell-rope. 

The battle began on the King’s side by the cavalry, 
which far outnumbered their opponents, led on by 
the fiery Prince Rupert, who attacked the right wing 
of the Parliamentary army, and utterly routed it, in a 
few moments driving the division out of the field. A 


RESULT OF THE BATTLE. 


167 


similar catastrophe befell the left wing, which quickly 
disappeared in a panic. 

Instead, however, of returning to support their 
own centre, the cavaliers wasted valuable moments 
in stopping to plunder the camp and baggage of their 
enemies, now left undefended: the consequence was, 
they lost the opportunity afforded of defeating the 
Parliamentary forces, and of obtaining a signal victory, 
so important at the commencement of a campaign— 
the result being a drawn battle. During the absence of 
Prince Rupert and his victorious cavaliers, the centre 
of the Parliamentary forces fought furiously with 
the Royalist centre; but the reserve of the former 
meanwhile arriving, gave them a decided advantage, 
which would soon have decided the day in their 
favour, if Prince Rupert and a portion of his troops 
had not come up in time to save the Royalists from 
being overwhelmed by numbers. Night intervening, 
each side drew off, and thus terminated the first 
action in the Civil War. 

In this encounter five or six thousand were stated 
to have been slaughtered. It was shortly after this 
fight that Cromwell is reported to have said to 
Hampden: 1 Your troops are decayed serving-men and 
tapsters, whilst theirs are gentlemen’s sons. You must 
get men who will go as far as gentlemen will go—men 
of spirit, and who have the fear of God before them.’ 

The next morning the two armies marched a few 
miles apart, that of the King drawing slowly to¬ 
wards London, resting meanwhile a short time at 
Oxford, and the Parliamentary forces following, in a 
parallel direction, at a respectful distance. 


CHAP. 

VII. 

1642. 


168 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

VII. 

— ^-- 

1642. 


By November 11, the King’s forces had reached 
Reading. London meanwhile became greatly agitated, 
on hearing that his Majesty was within thirty miles of 
the metropolis. General Lord Essex, however, was not 
far distant, a fact which somewhat reassured the citi¬ 
zens ; nevertheless, they thought it prudent to send a 
most humble petition to the King, praying for a treaty 
of peace, which, after some difficulty, was presented and 
graciously received. Still, as no suspension of hostilities 
had been entertained, the troops were pushed on, and 
a few hours later appeared before Brentford, at that 
moment defended by a mere handful of Parliamentary 
troops, who, after a vigorous though unequal struggle, 
were obliged to retreat, and the King’s army occupied 
the town. 

The want of money now began to make itself 
seriously felt on both sides, and it is curious to notice 
the various schemes resorted to under this pressure. 
The silver plate had all disappeared, as if by magic; 
what escaped the crucible had been privately buried 
deep in the earth to prevent discovery; choice old 
family tokens were thus preserved which otherwise 
would have perished with the rest. Forced loans 
fell heavily on friend and foe alike, the alternative 
being total confiscation of property. Acting on 
the fears of the citizens, the Parliament succeeded 
in a novel and ingenious method of raising troops. 
They persuaded employers to cancel the indentures 
of their apprentices, who were very glad to obtain 
their freedom on the terms stipulated—namely, en¬ 
listment. 


The Royalist army, on 


retreating 


from Oxford, 


THREATENED SEVERITY TOWARDS PRISONERS. 


169 


took with them a number of prisoners captured 
at Edgehill and Brentford, John Lilburn among 
the rest. These were in a very fair way of being 
disposed of in a short and summary manner. A 
commission of Oyer and Terminer was issued, at 
which they were tried, found guilty, and sentenced 
to death, for being taken in arms against the King’s 
Majesty. On the news of this sentence reaching 
Parliament, that body lost no time in threatening 
reprisals should the King carry out the verdict—a 
threat they were well able to execute from the num¬ 
ber of Royalists detained by them as prisoners. For¬ 
tunately, no necessity arose requiring so severe an 
alternative, the bare intimation being sufficient to 
induce the King to spare the lives of his prisoners. 

Shortly after the Battle of Edgehill, many of the 
wealthy and aristocratic families residing in the then 
fashionable districts of St. Martin’s Lane, Covent 
Garden, the Strand, and Westminster, becoming 
alarmed for their property, and seeing the chance of 
a reconciliation growing daily less and less, drew up 
a petition to Parliament, asking for permission to pro¬ 
pose to the King terms of peace on a more favourable 
basis than had yet been submitted. The Parliament, 
however, not only refused to receive their petition, 
but threatened to prosecute all who had signed it. 

It is not our purpose in this work to give an 
account of the Civil War, only so far as it relates to 
the history of Cromwell. This, however, must 
necessarily involve us in frequent descriptions of 
engagements and encounters more or less connected 

o t> 

with him, through whose genius and energy that 


CHAP. 

VH. 


1612. 



170 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

VII. 

1642. 


struggle ultimately terminated in favour of political 
and religious freedom. 

After the affair at Brentford, the Boyalists returned 
to Oxford for the winter, and the headquarters of 
the army of the Parliament to Windsor. Detached 
skirmishes throughout England, nevertheless, con¬ 
tinued during those dark winter months; the only 
district free from internal commotion was that of 
the eastern counties, where, through the vigilance and 
forethought of Cromwell, an association of six or seven 
counties, for mutual self-protection and defence, had 
been formed, which proved not only effectual in keeping 
the Royalists in check, but also preserved its own borders 
throughout the war from intestine disturbance. 

Meanwhile the valiant, restless, and impetuous 
Prince Rupert scattered terror among the enemies of 
the Royal cause, carrying off or destroying their pro¬ 
perty in the bold and desperate forages he made from 
Oxford throughout the neigbouring districts. 

Cromwell appears to have left the Parliamentary 
forces at headquarters, and returned to his native 
district for more active service, where the troops under 
the Earl of Manchester, the General of the Associated 
Counties, were located. Shortly after he was ap¬ 
pointed colonel to a regiment of horse, the same 
which became subsequently distinguished under the 
name of Cromwell’s 1 Regiment of Ironsides.’ 

He is next heard of, in the early weeks of the new 
year, at Cambridge, Huntingdon, and Norwich, ac¬ 
tively employed in raising men and money, enquiring 
after and restraining quondam Royalists, searching 
out and scattering antagonistic combinations, whether 


Cromwell’s letter to barnard. 

of a civil, military, or religious character. The fol 
lowing letter, written by him about this date, and 
addressed to Mr. Barnard—the same Barnard who, 
some twelve years previous, had with Cromwell been 
appointed a magistrate at Huntingdon—refers to one 
of those unpleasant visitations before mentioned, which 
appear to have been made to the houses of the sus¬ 
pected Royalists, Barnard’s among the number:— 

4 To my assured friend , Robert 'Barnard , Esq . 

4 It is most true my lieutenant, with some other 
soldiers of my troops, were at your house. I dealt 
freely to enquire after you: the reason was, I had 
heard you reported active against the proceedings 
of Parliament, and for those that disturb the peace of 
this country, with those who have had meetings not 
a few, to intents and purposes too full of suspect.'* 

4 It is true, sir, I know you have been wary in your 
carriages ; be not too confident thereof. Subtlety 
may deceive you—integrity never will. With my 
heart I shall desire that your judgment may alter 
your practice. I come only to hinder men from in¬ 
creasing the rent, from doino; hurt—but not to hurt 
any man, nor shall I you. I hope you will give me 
no cause. If you do, I must be pardoned what my 
relation to the public calls for. 

4 If your good parts be disposed that way, know 
me for Your servant, 

Oliver Cromwell.’ 

4 Be assured, fair words from me shall neither 
deceive you of your houses nor ot your liberty.’ 

* Suspicion. 



172 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

VII. 

1 ' i “ 

1643. 


Barnard, it appears, was by no means disposed quietly 
to put up with this rebuke; for a few weeks later 
he posted off to London, in order to have an interview 
and explain matters with the Lieutenant-General, the 
Earl of Manchester, who had gone thither, apparently, 
however, with no satisfactory result, to judge by the 
second letter he shortly after received from Oliver:— 

4 To my very loving friend, Robert Barnard , Esq. 

4 Sir,— I have received two letters, one from my 
Lord of Manchester, the other from yourself, much to 
the same effect. I hope one answer will therefore 
serve them both, which is, in short, this—that we 
know you are disaffected to the Parliament, and 
truly, if the Lords or any friends may take you off 
from a reasonable contribution, for my part I should 
be glad to any other employment. Sir, you may, if 
you will, come freely into the county about your 
occasions. 

4 For my part, I have protected you in your absence, 
and shall do so to you. This is all, but that I am 
ready to serve you, and rest, 

Your loving friend, 

Oliver Cromwell.’ 

Whether Barnard, after all, escaped the 4 reasonable 
contribution’ we are not informed; but we know that 
he remained a firm friend to the Royalist cause, and 
was amply rewarded, after the Restoration, by being 
appointed Recorder of Huntingdon. 

Both these letters were dated—the one in January, 
and the second in April—from Huntingdon, so that it 




RETURN OF THE QUEEN. 


173 


is more tlian probable that his wife and family were 
residing with his aged mother in that town at this 
period. 

Early in the spring of 1643, the Queen returned 
to England, bringing with her large supplies of 
money and war-materials. Her landing was effected 
at Bridlington Bay; from thence she proceeded to 
York, in order to join the forces under the Earl of 
Newcastle, stationed in that district. Twelve months 
had now elapsed since the outbreak of the Civil War. 
Peace negotiations, however, had been carried on 
between the contending forces ever since the skirmish 
before Brentford, and latterly Commissioners had 
been sent by the Parliament to Oxford to expedite 
matters in this direction. But, now that the King, by 
the arrival of succours from the Continent, was in a 
better position to prosecute hostilities, he became 
more and more disinclined to listen to any overtures 
that did not contain a preliminary recognition of c the 
divine right of kings.’ Accordingly, the negotiations 
were broken off in April, and the following message 
from his Majesty was sent to the Parliament :— 

4 As soon as his Majesty is satisfied concerning his 
own revenue, magazines, ships, and ports, to which 
he desires nothing but that the just, known, legal 
rights of his Majesty, devolved to him from his pro¬ 
genitors , and of the persons trusted by him, which 
have been violently taken from both, be restored unto 
him and unto them : 

‘ As soon as the members of both Houses be restored 
to the same capacity of sitting and voting as they had 
upon January 1, 1641 : 


CHAP. 

VII. 


1643. 



174 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap. 4 As soon as his Majesty and both Houses may be 
vii. J J y 

'—*—' secured from tumultuous assemblies : his Majesty 

will then consent that both, armies be immediately 

disbanded, and he will give a present meeting to 

both his Houses of Parliament.’ 

The old leaven of arbitrary power, to oppose which 
the nation had taken up arms, is here seen as rampant 
as ever. On receipt of this message, the Parliament 
recalled their Commissioners from Oxford, and the 
following day the army under Essex left their winter- 
quarters at Windsor, and appeared before Reading, 
which was held by the Royalists. The overwhelming 
force thus brought to bear on the town compelled 
the King’s troops to retire, and Reading was taken 
possession of in the name of the Parliament. 

The Earl of Essex had an army numbering nearly 
20,000 present, yet he loitered in this place for 
six weeks, in opposition to the express wishes of 
both Houses, who urged him to go on to Oxford and 
besiege that city. At length, more in deference to 
their opinions than his own convictions, he consented 
to march in that direction. When within ten miles of 
the city he was suddenly attacked by the fiery Rupert 
and a large cavalry force, which that General had 
brought to the rear of the Parliamentary army, un¬ 
discovered, during the night: several troops were 
cut to pieces by the Royalists in this encounter, and 
Rupert made good his retreat to Oxford, which he 
entered in triumph. 

It was during this skirmish that the patriot Hamp¬ 
den received his deathblow from a wound in the 
shoulder, of which he died a few days after. His 



ADVENTURE AT HERTFORD AND LOWESTOFT. 


175 


death was felt as a severe loss to the popular cause 
throughout the country. 

In the eastern district matters were somewhat 
more promising, and the occasional glimpses obtained 
of Oliver show the energy, activity, and success which 
attended all his movements. At Hertford, one mar¬ 
ket-day, there were assembled a number of rustics 
and others, to hear the High Sheriff proclaim, by the 
King’s order, the Earl of Essex and all his adherents 
traitors: suddenly Cromwell and his troopers, on 
their way to Norwich, dashed in among them. 
Cromwell pounced upon the Sheriff, and, in the face 
of the Royalist multitude, carried him off to London, 

• and the same night lodged him in the Tower. For 
this service the Colonel received a vote of thanks 
from Ear I iam ent. 

Some few days later, hearing of an association 
which was forming by the Royalists at Lowestoft, 
he proceeded thither, with some troops of horse, ac¬ 
companied by some volunteers from Yarmouth 
and Norwich. On arriving he summoned the town 
authorities, and demanded them to deliver up their 
4 strangers, the town, and their army,’ promising 
them his mercy if they did so—if not, none. 

4 They yielded,’ says our authority, 4 to deliver up 
their strangers, but not the rest. Whereupon the 
Norwich dragoons crept under the chain, and came 
within pistol-shot of their ordnance—proffering to 
fire upon their cannoneer, who fled. So they gained 
the two pieces of ordnance, broke the chain, and they 
and the horse entered the town without more resis¬ 
tance, where presently eighteen strangers yielded 


CHAP. 

VII. 


1643. 




176 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, themselves. . . . There was good store of pistols, 
—r—' powder, shot, and saddles ’ (secured). The prisoners 
1643 ' were sent off to Cambridge, where they condoned 
for their offences by submitting to heavy fines—Sir 
John Wentworth, who was one of them, paying 1000/., 
the others a less sum. 

Early in May, Cromwell is heard of in Lincolnshire, 
endeavouring to stir up the leading men of that 
county to make a combined effort and rendezvous 
at Grantham. 4 Believe me,’ he writes to the Com¬ 
mittee at Lincoln, 4 it were better, in my poor opinion, 
Lincoln were not, than that there should not be found 
an immediate taking of the field.’ 

This remonstrance appears not to have been in vain, 
for, on the 13th, he writes from Grantham:— 

4 God hath given us this evening a glorious victory 
over our enemies. They were, as we are informed, 
one-and-twenty colours of horse-troops, and three or 
four of dragoons. It was late in the evening when 
we drew out: they came and faced us within two 
miles of the town. So soon as we had the alarm, 
we drew out our forces, consisting of about twelve 
troops, whereof some of them so poor and broken that 
you shall seldom see worse: with this handful it 
pleased God to cast the scale. For after we had 
stood a little above musket-shot the one from the 
other, and the dragooners had fired on both sides for 
the space of half an hour or more, they not advancing 
towards us, we agreed to charge them: and advancing 
the body, after many shots on both sides, we came on 
with our troops at a pretty round trot, they stand¬ 
ing firm to receive us; and our men charging 


CAVALRY SOLDIERS AND MUSKETEERS. 


177 


fiercely upon them, by God’s providence they were 
immediately routed, and ran all away, and we had the 
execution of them two or three miles. 

c I believe some of our soldiers did kill two or three 
men apiece in the pursuit, but what the number of 
dead is we are not certain. We took forty-five 
prisoners besides divers of their horses and arms, and 
rescued many prisoners whom they had lately taken of 
ours; and we took four or five of their colours.’ 

It is perhaps as well to inform some readers un¬ 
acquainted with the difference existing in Cromwell’s 
time between a cavalry soldier and a dragoon or mus¬ 
keteer, that, at the first introduction of fire-arms they 
were necessarilv of a cumbrous character, and their 
removal from place to place, when expedition became 
indispensable, was attended with much trouble and 
labour: it was therefore customary to mount muske¬ 
teers with these heavy weapons on horseback, in order 
to arrive more quickly at the scene of action. On 
reaching the neighbourhood of the enemy, the horses 
were secured to some fence or tree out of danger, their 
riders dismounted, who with their unwieldy muskets 
lined the hedges and thickets, defended a bridge or a 
difficult pass; in short, were made available for the 
rough and ready work which presented itself on any 
sudden emergency, hence the origin of the term 
4 dragoon ’ or musketeer. 

During this summer the Parliamentary cause pre¬ 
sented a gloomy appearance, and their forces suf¬ 
fered checks and reverses in all parts of the kingdom. 
Bristol surrendered to prince Rupert. The Earl of 
Stamford and Sir William Walter suffered a defeat; 

N 


CHAP. 

VII. 


1643 



178 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

VII. 


1643. 


Sir Thomas Fairfax was obliged to retreat before the 
Earl of Newcastle and take refuge in Hull. Some 
slight successes were obtained in the last district, 
where the Earl of Manchester and Cromwell kept the 
field in the face of a much superior force. 

Want of funds greatly embarrassed the Parliamen¬ 
tary generals, and the appeals which Cromwell made 
from time to time on this subject to the various county 
associations were most earnest. 4 1 beseech you,’ he 
writes, the end of May, to the Mayor of Colchester, 
4 1 beseech you hasten the supply to us; forget not 
money! I press not hard, though I do so need that: 
I assure you the foot and dragooners are ready to 
mutiny. Lay not too much upon the back of a poor 
gentleman who desires without much noise to lay 
down his life and bleed the last drop to serve the 
cause and you. I ask not your money for myself; if 
that were my end and hope, the pay of my place, I 
would not open my mouth at this time. I desire to 
deny myself, but others will not be satisfied. I 
beseech you hasten supplies.’ 

In August a sum of 3,000Z. was voted by the 
House of Commons to the colonel, to be levied on the 
Associated Counties for the payment of his men, and 
the Speaker wrote to him as follows:— 

4 This House hath commanded me to send you 
these enclosed orders, and to let you know that nothing 
is more repugnant to the sense of this House and 
dangerous to the kingdom than the unwillingness of 
their forces to march out of their several counties. 
For yourself, they do exceedingly approve of your 
faithful endeavours to serve God and the kingdom.’ 



Cromwell’s letter to Oliver st. john. 


179 


Still money was not forthcoming; the great apathy chap. 
on this important point which the country displayed >— 
in the early stages of the civil war was remarkable. 

In his extremity Cromwell wrote to an influential 
member of Parliament, Oliver St. John, giving a 
description of these pecuniary embarrassments as 
follows:— 

4 Of all men I should not trouble you with money 
matters did not the heavy necessities my troops are 
in press me beyond measure. I am neglected ex¬ 
ceedingly. 

4 1 am now ready for my march towards the enemy, 
who hath entrenched himself over against Hull; my 
Lord Newcastle having besieged that town. Many 
of my Lord of Manchester’s troops are come to me 
very bad and mutinous, and not to be confided in: 
they are paid to a week almost ; mine, no ways pro¬ 
vided for to support them, except by the poor seques¬ 
trations of the county of Huntingdon. My troops 
increase; I have a lovely company; you would respect 
them did you know them. They are no anabaptists, 
but are honest, sober Christians, and they expect to 
be used as men. 

4 If 1 took pleasure to write to the House in bitter¬ 
ness, I have occasion. The 3,000/. allotted me I 
cannot get—the Norfolk part nor the Hertfordshire: 
it was gone before I had it. I have minded your 
(the Parliament’s) service to forgetfulness of my own 
and soldiers’ necessities. I desire not to seek (for) 
myself, (yet) I have little money of my own to help 
my soldiers. My estate is little. The business of 
Ireland and England hath had of me in money be^ 

N 2 


180 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

VII. 


1643 


tween 1,100/. and 1,200/., therefore my private purse 
can do little to help the public. You have had my 
money; I hope in God, I desire to adventure my 
skin. So do mine. Lay weight upon their patience, 
but break it not! think of that which may be of 
real help. I believe 5,000/. is due ... all will 
be lost if God help not. Remember (him) who 
tells you.’ 

In the midst of his anxiety for money to pay the 
troops, he continued his watchful care over the cha¬ 
racter of those who were to be sent to serve in the 
army. 4 1 beseech you,’ he says to the authorities of 
one of the Associated Counties, 4 be careful what cap¬ 
tains of horse you choose—what men be mounted: a 
few honest men are better than numbers. Some 
time they must have for exercise. If you choose 
godly, honest men to be captains of horse, honest 
men will follow them and they will be careful to 
mount such .... 

4 1 had rather have a plain russet-coated captain 
that knows what he fights for, and loves what he 
knows, than that which you call a 44 gentleman,” and 
is nothing else. I honour a gentleman that is so 
indeed.’ 

It was not without reason that Cromwell wrote 
thus, for he had amongst the men sent to him from 
time to time some of the veriest rascals and scum of 
the country, of whom he says on another occasion: 
4 1 protest unto you many of those men which are of 
your counties’ choosing are so far from serving you 
that were it not that I have honest troops to master 
them, yet they are so mutinous that I may justly fear 



SKIRMISH NEAR GAINSBOROUGH. 


181 


they would cut my throat.’ He was much encouraged 
on receiving a letter informing him that a number - 
of ‘ young men and maidens ’ had subscribed a 
sum of money in order to raise a company of foot 
to serve under him. The following is Cromwell’s 


CHAP. 

VII. 


1643 


reply:— 

L I approve of the business; only I desire to advise 
you that your “foot company ” may be turned into a 
troop of horse; which will indeed, under God’s 
blessing, far more advantage the cause than two or 
three companies of foot; especially if your men be 
honest, godly men, which by all means I desire. I 
thank God for stirring up the youth to send in their 
mite, which I desire may be employed to the best 
advantage; therefore my advice is that you would 
employ your twelve score pounds to buy pistols and 
saddles, and I will provide four score horses; for 
400/. more will not raise a troop of horse. . . . Pray 
raise honest, godly men, and I will have them of my 
regiment. As for your officers, I leave it as God 
shall or hath directed to choose.’ 

A victory obtained by Cromwell at this period, 
although it proved ineffectual in raising the siege of 
Gainsborough, yet afforded an early example of that 
decision, energy, and valour for which he subse¬ 
quently became so remarkable. 

Lord Willoughby, who held Gainsborough for the 
Parliament, was besieged by a portion of the Marquis 
of Newcastle’s forces, under the command of General 
Cavendish. Cromwell gives his version of what took 
place in the following letter to the Committee of the 



182 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP 

VII. 


1643 . 


Associated Counties at Cambridge, dated Huntingdon, 
July 31:— 

‘No man desires more to present you with en¬ 
couragement than myself, because of the forwardness 
I find in you—to your honour be it spoken—to pro¬ 
mote this great cause. And truly God follows us 
with encouragements, who is the God of blessings; 
and 1 beseech you let Him not lose his blessing upon 
us. They come in season and with all the advantages 
of heartening; as if God should say, “Up and be 
doing, and I will stand by you and help you.” There 
is nothing to be feared but our own sin and 
sloth. 

4 It hath pleased the Lord to give your servant and 
soldiers a notable victory now at Gainsborough. I 
marched, after the taking of Burleigh House upon 
Wednesday, to Grantham, where I met about 300 
horse and dragooners of Nottingham. With these, 
by agreement, we met the Lincolners at North Scarle, 
which is about ten miles from Gainsborough, upon 
Thursday in the evening, where we tarried until two 
of the clock in the morning; and then with our whole 
body advanced towards Gainsborough. 

4 About a mile and a half from the town we met a 
forlorn hope of the enemy of near 100 horse. Our 
dragooners laboured to beat them back, but not 
alighting off their horses, the enemy charged them 
and beat some four or five of them off their horses; 
our horse charged them and made them retire into 
their main body. We advanced and came to the 
bottom of a steep hill; we could not well get up but 
by some tracks, which our men essaying to do, a 




DEATH OF GENERAL CAVENDISH. 


183 


body of the enemy endeavoured to hinder; whereon 
we prevailed and got the top of the hill. 

4 When we recovered the top of the hill, we saw a 
great body of the enemy’s horse facing us at about a 
musket shot or less distance, and a good reserve of a 
full regiment of horse behind it. We endeavoured to 
put our men in as good order as we could. The 
enemy in the meantime advanced towards us to take 
us at disadvantage; but in such order as we were, 
we charged their great body, some flying on one 
side, and others on the other of the enemy’s reserve, 
and our men pursuing them, had chase and execution 
about five or six miles. 

4 1, perceiving this body which was the reserve 
standing still unbroken, kept back my major, Whally, 
from the chase; and with my own troop, and the 
other of my regiment, in all being three troops, we 
got into a body. In this reserve stood General 
Cavendish, who one while faced me, another while 
faced four of the Lincoln troops, which was all of ours 
that stood upon the place, the rest being engaged in 
the chase. At last General Cavendish charged the 
Lincolners, and routed them. Immediately I fell on 
his rear with my three troops; which did so astonish 
him that he gave over the chase, and would fain have 
delivered himself from me. But I pressing on forced 
them down a hill, having good execution of them; 
and below the hill drove the General with some of his 
soldiers into a quagmire, where my captain-lieutenant 
slew him with a thrust under his short ribs. The 
rest of the body was wholly routed, not one man 
staying upon the place. 


CHAP. 

VII. 


1643 . 



184 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

VII. 


1643 


‘We then, after this defeat, which was so total, 
relieved the town with such powder and provisions 
as we brought. Which done, we had notice that 
there were six troops of horse and 300 foot on the 
other side of the town, about a mile off us. We 
desired some foot of my Lord Willoughby’s, about 
400, and with our horse and these foot marched 
towards them. When we came towards the place 
where their horses stood, we beat back with my troops 
about two or three troops of the enemy, who retired 
into a small village at the bottom of the hill. When 
we recovered the hill, we saw at the bottom, about a 
quarter of a mile from us, a regiment of foot; after 
that another; after that the Marquis of Newcastle’s 
own regiment, consisting in all of about 500 foot 
colours, and a great body of horse; which, indeed, 
was Newcastle’s army, which coming so unexpectedly 
put us to new consultations. 

‘ My Lord Willoughby and I, being in the town, 
agreed to call off our foot. I went to bring them 
off, but before I returned, divers of the foot were 
engaged; the enemy advancing with his whole body. 
Our foot retreated in disorder, and with some loss 
got the town where now they are. Our horse came 
off also with some trouble, being wearied with the 
long fight, and their horses tired, yet faced the 
enemy’s fresh horse, and by several removes got off 
without the loss of one man, the enemy following the 
rear with a great body. The honour of this retreat 
is due to God, as also all the rest: Major Whally did 
in this carry himself with all gallantry becoming a 
gentleman and a Christian. 



THE BEGINNING OF CROMWELL’S GREATNESS. 


185 


1 Thus you have this true relation as short as I could, chap. 
What you are to do upon it, is next to be considered. — 

If I could speak words to pierce your hearts with the 1043 
sense of our and your condition, I would. If you 
will raise 2,000 foot at present to encounter this army 
of Newcastle’s, to raise the siege, and to enable us to 
fight him, we doubt not, by the grace of God, but that 
we shall be able to relieve the town and beat the 
enemy on the other side of Trent. Whereas if some¬ 
thin g be not done in this, vou will see Newcastle’s 
army march up into your bowels; being now, as it is, 
on this side Trent. I know it will be difficult to raise 
thus many in so short time ; but let me assure you 
it is necessary, and therefore to be done. At least, do 
what you may, with all possible expedition! I would 
I had the happiness to speak with one of you; truly 
I cannot come over, but must attend my charge; the 
enemy is vigilant. The Lord direct you what 
to do.’ 

Whitelock, in his memorials, remarks that this 
gallant encounter with Newcastle’s forces was the 
‘ beginning of Cromwell’s great fortunes, and he now 
began to appear in the world.’ 

In another letter to a friend, written a day earlier, 
Cromwell mentions some additional details in refer¬ 
ence to the death of General Cavendish. He says: 

1 Whilst the enemy was following our Hying troops, I 
charged him on the rear with my three troops; drove 
him down the hill, brake him all to pieces, and forced 
Lieutenant-General Cavendish into a bog, who fought 
in this reserve. One officer cut him on the head ; and 
as he lay, my captain, Lieutenant Berry, thrust him 


186 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

VII. 


1643 . 


into the short ribs, of which he died about two hours 
after in Gainsborough. 

But both Gainsborough and afterwards Lincoln, 
whither Willoughby had retreated, were obliged to 
surrender to the victorious royal army under New¬ 
castle. In a desponding letter to Colonel Cromwell, 
written from Boston on August 5, Willoughby says: 
4 Since the business of Gainsborough, the hearts of 
our men have been so deaded, that we have lost most 
of them, by running away, so that we were forced to 
leave Lincoln upon a sudden ; and if I had not done 
it then, I should have been left alone. 7 

His position even at Boston seemed very precarious, 
for he adds: 4 If you will endeavour to stop my Lord 
of Newcastle, you must presently draw them (the 
Parliamentary troops) to him and fight him, for with¬ 
out we be masters of the field, we shall be pulled out 
by the ears one after the other. 7 

Willoughby was evidently not the person for a man 
like Cromwell patiently to act under; this letter, how¬ 
ever, he made use of to frighten the Cambridge 
Commissioners, to whom he enclosed it, adding, 

4 You see by this how sadly your affairs stand. It’s 
no longer disputing, but out instantly all you can; 
raise all your bands, send them to Huntingdon; get up 
what volunteers you can ; hasten your horses. Send 
these letters to Norfolk, Suffolk, and Essex, without 
delay. I beseech you spare not, but be expeditious 
and industrious. Almost all our foot have left 
Stamford, there is nothing to interrupt the enemy 
but our horse. You must act lively; do it without 
distraction. Neglect no means. 7 



THE WESTMINSTER CONFESSION OF FAITH. 


187 


The Parliament meanwhile were doing all they chap. 
could to strengthen Cromwell’s hands. They voted — 
that his men should have c free quarters ’ everywhere 
on their march, and 2,000 additional troops to be 
raised out of the six associated counties; he was 
at the same time made governor of Ely, where the 
malignants formed a strong party. 

The better to strengthen the Parliamentary cause 
throughout the country, the Scots were at this junc¬ 
ture invited to join in the national struggle. They 
consented, but with this proviso, which was agreed 
to, namely, that episcopacy should be abolished in 
England, and Presbyterianism become the established 
form of church government. A number of English 
and Scottish divines, therefore, were called together 
by Parliament in order to discuss this question, 
when, after some weeks’ labour, and many committee 
meetings, the celebrated Westminster Confession of 
Faith was elaborated as the basis of the new arrange¬ 
ment. The meeting of this noted assembly at St. 
Margaret’s Church, Westminster, must have been, 
to many churchmen, a sorrowful and self-evident 
proof, significant of the change public opinion had 
undergone since the days of Laud’s supremacy. In 
this assembly were to be seen episcopalians, presby- 
terians, and nonconformists, but the Geneva gown 
greatly preponderated over the canonical robe of the 
High Church Divine, the episcopalians being in the 
minority. By command of the King, those clergy of 
the Established Church who had been summoned to 
the assembly were forbidden to take any part in the 
proceedings. Archbishop Usher, the most distin- 


188 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

VII. 

1643 


guished among them, appeared at some of the early 
sittings, but afterwards withdrew, it is supposed by 
the King’s command, and retired to Oxford. 

The Covenant or Confession of Faith agreed to 
contained six articles, which may be briefly summed 
up, as having for their object the uniformity of 
Church government in matters of doctrine, faith, and 
form of worship; the extirpation of popery and 
prelacy, including the abolishment of bishops, deans, 
and chapters; the preservation of the rights and 
liberties of Parliament and of the kingdom; the dis¬ 
covery of malignants; and lastly the document con¬ 
cluded with a strongly expressed determination ‘never 
to withdraw from this pious confederacy/ 

Scotland responded by issuing a proclamation call¬ 
ing upon all the male population between the ages of 
sixteen and sixty, capable of bearing arms, to provide 
themselves with ammunition, arms, and provisions 
for forty days, and to hold themselves in readiness to 
march for the defence of the United Kingdom. 

The town of Hull, held by Lord Fairfax for the 
Parliament, being besieged by the King’s forces under 
the Earl of Newcastle, Cromwell wrote as follows to 
Oliver St. John: ‘I am now ready for my march 
towards the enemy, who hath entrenched himself over 
against Hull; my Lord Newcastle having besieged 
the town.’ 

A few days later, the troops under the Earl of Man¬ 
chester and Cromwell crossed the river into Lincoln¬ 
shire, where they were joined by Sir Thomas Fairfax, 
with the whole of the horse, Lord Fairfax having no 
further occasion for them at present. Thus strengthened, 


HORNCASTLE FIGHT. 


Cromwell and Fairfax came suddenly upon Sir John 
Henderson, on October 11, within five miles of Horn- 
castle, in Lincolnshire. Sir John had a large army, 
and hearing that the Earl of Manchester’s forces of 
foot had not yet joined the horse under Fairfax and 
Cromwell, he hastened in the hope of making the 
attack before the junction could be formed. No letter 
of Cromwell’s is extant, but the following account of 
the battle is taken from Mears, who writes as a par- 
tizan of the Parliament, wherein it will be seen that 
Cromwell ran a serious risk of losing his life, greater 
in fact than on any subsequent occasion:— 

4 The enemy drew their whole body of horse and 
dragooners into the field, being seventy-four colours of 
horse, and twenty-one colours of dragoons, in all 
ninety-five colours. We had not more than half so 
many colours of horse and dragooners, but I believe 
we had as many men, besides our foot, which, how¬ 
ever, could not be drawn up until it was very late. 
The enemy's word was 44 Cavendish,” he that was 
killed in the bog, and ours was 44 religion.” ... It 
was about twelve of the clock ere our horse and 
dragooners were drawn up. 

4 After that we marched a mile nearer the enemy, 
and then we began to descry him by little and little 
coming towards us. Until this time we did not know 
we should fight; but as soon as our men had know¬ 
ledge of the enemy’s coming, they were very full of 
joy and resolution, thinking it a great mercy that 
they should now fight with him. Our men went on 
in several bodies, singing psalms. Quartermaster- 
General Vermuyden, with five troops, held the 



190 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

VII. 

1543 . 


forlorn hope, and Colonel Cronrwell the van, assisted 
with other of my lord’s troops, and seconded by Sir 
Thomas Fairfax. Both armies met about Ixbie 
(Winceby), if I mistake not the town’s name. 

4 Both they and we had drawn up our dragooners, 
who gave the first charge, and then the horse fell in. 
Colonel Cromwell fell with brave resolution upon 
the enemy, immediately after their dragooners had 
given him the first volley, yet they were so nimble as 
that within half pistol shot they gave him another. 
His horse was killed under him at the first charge, and 
fell down upon him; and as he rose up, he was 
knocked down again; but afterwards he recovered a 
poor horse in a soldier’s hands, and bravely mounted 
again. Truly this first charge was so home-given, 
and performed with so much admirable courage and 
resolution by our troops, that the enemy stood not 
another, but were driven back upon their own body, 
which was to have seconded them, and at last put 
them into a plain disorder; and thus, in less than half 
an hour’s fight, they were all quite routed.’ 

According to Kimber, the officer who knocked 
the Colonel twice over was one Captain Portington, 
who is reported afterwards to have said, that when 
striking at Cromwell he aimed at his nose, but missed 
and struck the horse instead. This, however, may 
have been one of the many poor jokes on that pecu¬ 
liarly developed nasal organ his enemies were accus¬ 
tomed to perpetrate. 

The remainder of the year passed in comparative 
tranquillity in the Eastern Associated Counties, and 
Oliver went home to Ely, where his wife and family 


DEATH OF PYM. 


191 


still resided. The death of Pym, in December, threw chap. 

J 1 yjl > 

a gloom over the nation, happening as it did, so soon '—r— 
after the demise of the patriot Hampden. The re¬ 
moval of these early friends must have been keenly 
felt by their friend and companion, Oliver Cromwell. 

In the affairs of the world, how frequently the same 
law is observed at work in the social as in the natural 
sciences; and that which first makes its appearance, 
proves only to have been provisional and passes away. 

Those great minds, whose influence society has re¬ 
cognised, have seldom made their presence felt 
until the hey-day of youth has been passed, and the 
way paved for the reception of truths it was their 
mission to unfold. Moses, at forty, thought his time 
had come to deliver his brethren from Egyptian 
bondage; another forty years were to expire before 
the period when the lawgiver’s services were to be¬ 
come acceptable. 

Cromwell was never heard of until past forty. 

The labours of Hampden and Pym in the cause of 
freedom, important as they were, must nevertheless 
be ranked with the primary and provisional. Pym 
was early distinguished for that nervous, terse, and 
polished eloquence which had so great an influence 
over all who heard him, and gained for him among 
the working classes the title of King Pym. The 
wonderful facility with which he could adapt himself 
to all classes of hearers was, it is said, remarkable. 

His speech before the Lords, when sent by the Com¬ 
mons to impeach Laud, obtained for him a vote of 
thanks, and it was ordered to be printed. The same 
distinctive mark of approbation he also more than 



192 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

VII. 


1643 


once received from the House of which he was 
himself an honoured member. Pyrn’s remains were 
interred in Westminster Abbey. Death had been 
busy during the last year or two in other parts of the 
world. Among the painters, philosophers, and states¬ 
men of the day many celebrated names had dis¬ 
appeared from the list of remarkable men. Richelieu, 
Sully, Strafford, Galileo, Guido, Vandyke, and Rubens, 
all had died within a short time of each other. In 
England it had been a period destructive to ecclesias¬ 
tical power. Her bishops were scattered, their office 
no longer recognised or property respected, whilst 
their political influence had been annihilated. 

Ruin had fallen on all alike—the faithful, the 
conscientious, and the time-serving. Hall, the pious 
bishop of Norwich, was greatly persecuted, his pro¬ 
perty sequestered, and he spent the rest of his days 
in poverty and neglect, his only crime being that he 
belonged to the system. Laud, to whom may be 
traced, more or less, the cause of all these disasters, 
was still in the Tower, awaiting his trial. He has 
left on record a curious diary, detailing his daily 
hopes and fears during this eventful period. We 
quote an extract or two, which may be interesting to 
some, and useful to others, in the present day. 

4 Sunday, May 15, 1642. I made a shift between 
my man and my staff to go to church. There 
preached one Mr. Jostin. To pass over what was 
strangely evil throughout his sermon, his personal 
abuse of me was so foul and so palpable, that women 
and boys stood up in the church to see how I could 
bear it. And this was my first welcome into the 



LAUD IN THE TOWER. 


193 


church after my long lameness. But I humbly thank 
God for it; for I bore his virulence patiently, and so 
it vanished, as did much other of a like nature, which 
I suffered both before and after this. God forgive 
them. August 19. Captain Royden and his company, 
by order of Parliament, came in the evening to my 
house at Lambeth, to take away my arms; they 
stayed there all night, and searched my room; and 
the next morning they carried my arms away in carts 
to Guildhall, and I was sufficiently abused all the 
way by the people as my arms passed. 

c They gave out there were arms for 1,000 men, 
whereas there were not enough for 200, and the arms 
I bought of my predecessor’s executors. Sept. 1. 
This day the bishops were voted down by the House 
of Commons, and that night there was great ringing 
and bonfires in the City. 

c September 10. The bishops were voted down in 
the Upper House; so it seems I must live to see 
my calling fall before me. On Wednesday, Nov. 2, I 
dreamed that the church was undone, and that I went 
to St. John’s in Oxford, where I found the roof off, 
and the Avails ready to fall down. God be merciful! 

4 January 26, 1643. The bill passed the Lords’ 
House for abolishing the episcopacy. God be merciful 
to this sinking church. May 1. The Avindows of 
my chapel at Lambeth were defaced, and the steps of 
the communion table torn up; and on Tuesday, May 2, 
the cross in Cheapside Avas taken doAvn, to cleanse 
that great street of superstition.’ 

The folioAving entry refers to his unfortunate victim 
Prynne, Avhose ears, it may be remembered, c Avere 


CHAP. 

VII. 


1643 


O 



194 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 

chap, sawed rather than cut off,’ when suffering under the 
vii. . 

—r—' tyranny of the Archbishop. 

1643 c May 31. A search came into the tower, upon 

all the prisoners, for letters and papers. Mr. Prynne 

was picked out as a man whose malice might be 

trusted to make the search upon me, and he did it 

exactly thus. He commanded the warder to open 

the door; left two centinels below, and one at the 

stair head. He came into my chamber, and found me 

in bed, as were also my servants in theirs. I presently 

thought of my blessed Saviour, when Judas led in 

the swords and staves about him. 

4 Mr. Prynne, seeing me safe in bed, falls first to my 
pockets to rifle them ... I demanded the sight of his 
warrant; he shewed it me. He took from me twenty - 
one bundles of papers which I had prepared for my 
defence; the two letters which came from his gracious 
Majesty about Chartham; the Scotch Service Book; 
a little book or diary containing the occurrences of 
my life, and my book of private devotions; nor could 
1 get him to leave the last, but he must needs see 
what passed between God and me. The last place 
which he rifled was a trunk which stood at my bed¬ 
side ; in that he found nothing but about 40s. for my 
necessary expenses, which he meddled not with, and 
a bundle of gloves; he caused each glove to be looked 
into; upon this I tendered him one pair of the gloves, 
which he refusing, I told them he might take them 
and fear no bribe, for he had already done for me all 
the mischief he could, and I asked no favour of him; 
so he thanked me, took the gloves, bound up my 
papers, left two centinels at my door, and went his 
way. 7 


LAUD EXECUTED ON TOWER IIILL. 


195 


It is but anticipating a few months in order to 
close the sad career of this mischievous, insolent, 
arbitrary, and overbearing high-churchman. The 
diary taken away by Prynne, from which most of the 
extracts already quoted are taken, discloses many 
curious and interesting facts which otherwise would 
probably never have come to light. There is yet one 
other entry, the last he ever made:— 

4 Jan. 3, 1645. The managers of this business 
against me (the attainder) were three lawyers, Mr. 
Brown, Sergeant Wilde, and Mr. Nicholas. Neither 
myself or any of my counsel there. What this will 
effect upon the Lords time must discover, as it doth 
the effects of other eclipses; and thus far I had pro¬ 
ceeded in this sad history by Jan. 3, 1645.’ 

On the day following the bill of attainder passed; 
and a week later, namely, on January 10, he met his 
death with great fortitude on Tower Hill. 


CHAP. 

VII. 

1643 


O 2 





196 LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAPTER VIII. 

Extract from Evelyn’s Diary—The Scots’ Army, under General Leven, 
appears in the North of England—Cromwell and the Authorities of 
Ely Cathedral—Saints by Act of Parliament—Cromwell during the 
Winter of 1643-4—Siege of York—Cromwell’s Forces join the Scots’ 
Army—Battle of Marston Moor—Cromwell’s Description of it to his 
Brother-in-law—Disastrous Consequences to the Royalists—Cromwell 
Besieges Knaresborough Castle—An interesting Glimpse of him— 
Severe Reverses of the Parliamentary Forces in the South, under 
General Walker—Essex surrounded by the Royalist Army—Departs 
for Plymouth, leaving Skippon to make Terms with the King—Battle 
of Newbury—Defeat of the Royalists, who retreat followed by Crom¬ 
well—Mutual Mistrust existing between Lord Manchester and Oliver 
Cromwell—The latter leaves for London—The Presbyterian Generals 
unite in order to effect Cromwell’s Removal—Whitelock’s amusing 
Account of a Meeting held for this object—Archbishop Williams 
counsels the King to beware of Cromwell—Conclusion of the Cam¬ 
paign—Cromwell, in the House of Commons, charges the Earl of 
Manchester with Lukewarmness—Counter-charges of the Earl— 
Cromwell’s spirited Rejoinder—The Self-denying Ordinance passed— 
The Army ordered to be Re-modelled, and Fairfax appointed Com¬ 
mander-in-chief—The King’s expressed Readinesss to listen to Terms 
of Peace not believed in—Parliament appoint Commissioners to wait 
upon his Majesty—Private Interview between the King and some of 
the Commissioners—The King consents to a Conference, which met at 
Uxbridge—Insincerity of his Majesty proved by the Royal Corres¬ 
pondence discovered after the Battle of Naseby. 

chap. Evelyn in his c Diary,’ relates that a singular phe- 
>—r—- nomenon was observable in the heavens about this 
period. He says: c A shining cloud was seen in the 
air in shape resembling a sword, the point reaching 
to the north ; it was as bright as the moon, and was in 
sight from eleven till one.’ The tendency of men’s 
minds towards the supernatural naturally led many to 
expect an explanation in the direction of the heavens 



ARRIVAL OF THE SCOTTISH ARMY, 


197 


indicated; and when shortly after the Scottish army chap. 
appeared on the scene as the partisans and champions —^- 
of the English Parliament, the solution of the phe¬ 
nomenon was considered satisfactory and conclusive. 

The Scots’ army, consisting of 18,000 foot and 3,500 
horse, under the command of the Earl of Leven, 
marched southward in the month of January, and 
entered England three days after the Parliament had 
resumed its sittings. Presbyterianism in arms gave 
a great impetus to the Puritan cause, which latterly, 
from want of success, had been somewhat in a 
drooping condition. Not so, however, in Cromwell’s 
district. He had recently been promoted, for his zeal 
against the malignants in Church and State, to the 
rank of a Major-General. As Governor of Ely the 
delinquent dean and chapter of that cathedral already 
had reason to know that their doings were being 
closely watched. An order had been issued to sus¬ 
pend the ritual service, which the ecclesiastical au¬ 
thorities thought proper to disregard. On this 
Cromwell wrote to the dean as follows: 

4 Lest the soldiers should in any tumultuary or 
disorderly way attempt the reformation of the ca¬ 
thedral church, I require you to forbear altogether 
your choir-service, so unedifying and offensive; and 
this as you shall answer it if any disorder should arise 
thereupon. I advise you to catechise and read and 
expound the Scripture to the people, not doubting 
but the Parliament, with the advice of the Assembly 
of Divines, will direct you farther. I desire your 
sermons where usually they have been—but more 
frequent. ’ 


198 


CHAP. 

VIII. 


1644 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 

There was, however, no disposition on the part of 
the dean to submit to this dictum, so the soldiers one 
day suddenly appeared in the sanctuary with Cromwell 
at their head, and made short work of it by turning 
out the minister, choir, and congregation, and closing 
the doors. 

Episcopacy fared little better elsewhere, for in an 
old newspaper of the time we read: 1 At the great 
cathedral (Westminster Abbey), where was wont to 
be heard the roaring of the organ and the cathedral 
catches of Morley, is set up an orthodox preaching 
ministry; and this last week the golden crucifixes 
and the rest of that popish crew of idolatrous pictures 
were all broken down and plastered up in a decent 
comely manner.’ c Farewell,’ writes another jocund 
jubilant contemporary, when the Prayer Book was 
abolished; c farewell all superstition; first and second 
services, Te Deums, Litany, and the whole bundle of 
collects, praying over the dead, enormities of baptism, 
and Ash Wednesday cursings.’ But the Puritans 
had yet to learn that neither in nations nor individuals 
were people to be made saints by Act of Parliament. 
Holding this error, the State Puritans differed in this 
matter but little from their brethren of the robe and 
surplice, however great and striking may have been 
their dissimilarity in doctrine, form, and ceremony. 
The Long Parliament, in the vain hope of rooting out 
profligacy in the bud, pertinaciously attempted to put 
down all kinds of public amusements, theatres, sports, 
and sober pastimes, whilst at the same time the 
tavern was left uncontrolled, to provide a wretched 
arid demoralising substitute. The Catechism no longer 



SAINTS BY ACT OE PARLIAMENT. 


190 


occupied the afternoon service in the place of the 
sermon, nor was the 4 Book of Sports ’ permitted to 
inculcate its Sabbath desecrations. Unfortunately, 
however, the Puritans fell into the other extreme; and 
long prayers, longer sermons, days of fastings and 
so-called national humiliations, now became more and 
more frequent. Even a public meeting could not be 
held, nor a public dinner given, without the prelimi¬ 
nary sermon. In one of the old newspapers we are 
told that the sheriffs, 4 with divers aldermen and militia 
of London, came by direction of the Lord Mayor and 
City to invite both Houses to dine with the Lord 
Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council at Merchant 
Taylors’ Hall. A sermon was ordered before dinner.’ 
The King’s children, who appear to have been left to 
the tender mercies of the Parliament, did not escape, 
for we read elsewhere the following: 

4 The nurses, laundresses, and rockers, are ordered 
to be removed from St. James’s House, and six di¬ 
vines are appointed to preach constantly before the 
children at St. James’s. ’ At this period it was cus¬ 
tomary for the House to meet at nine o’clock in the 
morning and sit till twelve. Any member arriving 
after nine paid twelve pence fine, and any member 
4 making a notice ’ after twelve, five shillings, for the 
use of the poor. 

Frequent glimpses of Cromwell hurrying hither 
and thither during the dark winter months of 
1643-4 are to be met with in the scattered but au¬ 


thentic contemporaneous history of the period. We 
have just seen him early in January potently regu¬ 
lating church ritual matters in Ely cathedral: later 


CHAP. 

VIII. 


1644 






200 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

VIII. 

1644 


in the same month he is in the House of Commons, 
complaining of my Lord Willoughby’s 4 backwardness 
as a general: ’ he who could not ‘hold out’ at Gains¬ 
borough and Lincoln, and who wrote from Boston 
expecting himself and his men to be 4 pulled out by 
the ears one after the other.’ This kind of general 
was plainly not the right man in the right place 
according to the Ironside standard, and at Cromwell’s 
suggestion the Earl of Manchester was appointed in 
his stead. Up to this period the best understanding 
had existed between the earl and Cromwell: it lasted, 
however, but a short time longer, as will be seen. 

In February Cromwell is heard of in the midland 
counties, whither he had been sent to guard some 
ammunition-waggons during removal from Warwick 
to Gloucester. On his return, he took forcible pos¬ 
session, in the name of the Parliament, of Hilsden 
House, Buckinghamshire, with much plunder, which 
was seized and transported to head-quarters. 

It would appear that sectarian differences in the 
army had already appeared, and the unanimity of 
opinion on religious questions—so remarkable a feature 
hitherto among the Parliamentary forces—was daily 
becoming more and more divergent. A significant 
proof of this is afforded in the following extract from 
a letter written by Cromwell to Major-General Craw¬ 
ford, on behalf of a certain lieutenant-colonel, who 
had been arrested by Crawford. 

4 Surely you are not well advised thus to turn off 
one so faithful to the cause, and so able to serve you, 
as this man is. Give me leave to tell you I cannot 
be of your judgment; if a man notorious for wicked- 


Cromwell’s letter to crawford. 


201 


ness, for oaths, for drinking, hath as great a share of 
your affection as one who fears an oath, who fears to 
sin—that this doth commend your election of men to 

serve as fit instruments in this work. “ Aye, but the 

«/ ' 

man is an 4 Anabaptist.’ ” Are you sure of that? 
Admit he be, shall that render him incapable to serve 
the public? a He is indiscreet.” It may be so in 
some things; we have all human infirmities; I tell 
you if you had none but such “ indiscreet men ” about 
you, and would be pleased to use them kindly, you 
would find them as good a fence to you as any you 
have yet chosen. 

‘ Sir, the State, in choosing men to serve it, takes 
no notice of their opinions; if they be willing faith¬ 
fully to serve it, that satisfies. I advised you 
formerly to bear with men of different minds from 
yourself. If you had done it when I advised you to 
it, I think you would not have had so many stumbling- 
blocks in your way. 

4 It may be you judge otherwise, but I tell you 
my mind. I desire you would receive this man into 
your favour and good opinion. I believe, if he follow 
my counsel, he will deserve no other but resjiect from 
you. Take heed of being sharp, or too easily sharp¬ 
ened by others, against those to whom you can object 
little but that they square not with you in every 
opinion concerning matters of religion. If there be 
any other offence to be charged upon him, that must 
in a judicial way receive determination. I know you 
will not think it fit my Lord (Manchester) should 
discharge an officer of the field but in a regulate 
way. I question whether you, or 1, have any prece¬ 
dent for that.’ 


CHAP. 

VIII. 

1644 



202 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

VIII. 


1644 


The Parliamentary forces under Manchester and 
Cromwell were now commanded to join the Scotch 
army drawing towards York, whither the Earl of 
Newcastle, with 6,000 troops lay, strongly entrenched. 
After a most rapid march, Cromwell effected a junction 
with his horse, and the seige was at once begun in 
earnest. The three armies, under Lords Leven, 
Fairfax, and the Earl of Manchester, greatly out¬ 
numbered the King’s troops, who must have been 
compelled to surrender at discretion had not the 
timely arrival of a large force dispatched by the King, 
under Prince Rupert, relieved the place. That the 
Parliamentary generals should have decided on with¬ 
drawing from York when that junction took place 
appears inexplicable, for by so doing they afforded 
an opportunity, which was instantly made available 
by Prince Rupert, of replenishing Newcastle’s army 
with stores of food and ammunition, besides strength- 
ening his own forces by the addition of those serving 
under Newcastle. Probably they concluded, as it 
rightly turned out, that the Prince, after raising the 
siege, would next proceed to give them battle. They 
therefore removed to the open country, a few miles 
distant from York, and encamped on Marston Moor, 
there to await the anticipated event which quickly 
followed; for Rupert, flushed with his success at 
York, hastened after the parliamentary forces to the 
field of their own choice. 

The battle of Marston Moor was fought on July 2. 
Both armies, according to Rushworth, were pretty 
nearly equal; the total number of troops on both 
sides amounted in round numbers to about 50,000 



THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 


203 


men. The accounts extant of this engagement, said 
to have been the most bloody and desperate of all 
that were fought during the civil war, are so con¬ 
flicting and contradictory, that it is impossible to 
place before the reader any details on which he may 
with confidence rely. Perhaps the most authentic, 
although meagre statement, is contained in the 
following letter, written by Cromwell three days 
later to his brother-in-law, Colonel Valentine Walton, 
whose son fell mortally wounded on the field of 
battle :•— 

4 It’s our duty to sympathise in all mercies; and to 
praise the Lord together, in chastisements or trials, 
that so we may sorrow together. 

4 Truly, England and the church of God hath had 
a great favour from the Lord in this great victory- 
given unto us, such as the like never was since this 
war begun. It had all the evidences of an absolute 
victory obtained by the Lord’s blessing upon the 
godly party principally. We never charged but we 
routed the enemy. The left wing which I com¬ 
manded, being our own horse, saving a few Scots in 
our rear, beat all the prince’s horse. God made them 
as stubble to our swords. We charged their regi¬ 
ments of foot with our horse, and routed all we 
charged. The particulars I cannot relate now, but I 
believe of twenty thousand the prince hath not 
four thousand left. Give glory, all the glory, to God. 

4 Sir, God hath taken away your eldest son by a 
cannon shot: it brake his leg. We were necessitated 
to have it cut off, whereof he died. Sir, you know 
my own trial this way; but the Lord supported me 


CHAP. 

VIII. 


1644 



204 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, with this—that the Lord took him into the happiness 

VIII 

-—y—-—^ we all pant for and live for. There is your precious 
1644 child full of glory, never to know sin or sorrow any 
more. He was a gallant young man, exceedingly 
gracious. God give you His comfort. Before his 
death he was so full of comfort that to Frank Russel 
and myself he could not express it: u It was so great 
above his pain.” This he said tons; indeed it was 
admirable. A little after, he said, one thing lay upon 
his spirit. I asked him what that was ? He told me 
it was that God had not suffered him to be any more 
the executioner of His enemies. At his fall—his horse 
being killed with the bullet, and as I am informed, 
three horses more—I am told he bid them open to 
the right and left, that he might see the rogues run. 
Truly he was exceedingly beloved in the army of all 
that knew him. But few knew him; for he was a 
precious young man, fit for God. You have cause to 
bless the Lord: he is a glorious saint in heaven, 
wherein you ought exceedingly to rejoice. Let this 
drink up your sorrows; seeing these are not feigned 
words to comfort you, but the thing is so real and 
undoubted a truth. You may do all things by the 
strength of Christ. Seek that, and you shall easily 
bear your trial. Let this public mercy to the church 
of God make you to forget your private sorrow. The 
Lord be your strength.’ 

These were words of comfort, doubtless, to the 
sorrowing parent, coming as they did from one in 
whose ears the fierce strife of battle had scarcely died 
away. 

The battle commenced at seven o’clock in the 





TIIE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 


205 


evening, and was over by ten. The results were 
most disastrous to the King’s cause. The prince’s 
whole train of artillery was taken, besides 3,000 
prisoners, 10,000 stand of arms, and all the baggage 
and magazine waggons. 3,000 of the Prince’s troops 
were said to have been slain, and the pursuit was 
continued until within a mile of York, which city 
yielded to the Parliamentary forces a few days after. 

Prince Rupert, and the few troops he could collect 
after the defeat, retreated into Cumberland and 
Westmoreland, where he joined the King’s forces in 
the border counties, followed by Cromwell with 3,000 
troops. The Earl of Newcastle, accompanied by a 
number of the defeated officers and the discontented 
royalist gentry of the district, hastened to the coast, 
and embarked from Scarborough for Hamburg. 

By this victory the whole of the north of England, 
with but few exceptions, was in possession of the 
Parliament, and what was of much importance to the 
metropolis, the coal district, which had been closed 
for a long period, was again opened to the traffic of 
the south, and the inhabitants of London no longer 
obliged to depend on the scanty supply of turf 
which they had been compelled to use as a substi¬ 
tute. 

Cromwell, after driving the flying troops of the 
Royalists some miles westward, appears to have 
turned his steps in the direction of the Fen district, 
which more especially depended upon him for pro¬ 
tection ; for we find him at Lincoln on September 1, 
writing a remonstrance to the Committee for the Isle 
of Ely, who had taken upon themselves to release 


CHAP. 

VIII. 


1644 



206 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, certain persons who had been committed to prison by 

VIII. ■*- 

—.—' Major Ireton as enemies. He writes as one having 
authority :— 4 I have given order to Captain Husband 
to see them recommitted to the hand of my marshal, 
and I much desire you for the future not to entrench 
upon me so much as to release them or any com¬ 
mitted in the like case by myself, or my deputy and 
commanders in the garrison, until myself or some 
superior authority be satisfied in the cause . . . For k I 
profess I will not be governor, nor engage any other 
under me, to undertake such a charge upon such 
u weak terms.” ’ It must have been during the pursuit 
of the King’s troops, or when returning towards his 
own district, that Cromwell entered Knaresborough, 
and besieged the castle with some of Lord Fairfax’s 
troops. The exact date does not transpire. The 
castle yielded after a slight resistance. There is an 
interesting circumstance connected with this visit to 
Knaresborough, relating to him at this period, told 
by an eye-witness, who says:— 

4 When Cromwell came to lodge at our house in 
Knaresborough I was then but a young girl. Being 
ordered to take a pan of coals to air his bed, I could 
not forbear peeping over my shoulder several times ; 
he was seated at the far side of the room, untying his 
garters. Having aired his bed, I went out and shut 
the door after me, and peeped through the key-hole. 
I saw him rise from his seat, advance to the bed side, 
and fall on his knees, in which attitude 1 left him for 
some time. When I returned again, I found him 
still at prayer. And this was his custom every night, 
so long as he stayed at our house.’ 


THE ARMY UNDER ESSEX. 


207 


The Parliamentary forces thus triumphant in the chap. 
north met, however, with severe reverses in the south - IIL - 
of England, where the King in person encountered 
Essex, who had incautiously suffered himself to be 
separated from the Parliamentary army under Waller, 
and had retreated into Cornwall closely followed 
by the royal army, now joined by Prince Rupert, 
who came with fresh troops collected during his 
march. In this emergency application appears to 
have been made to Cromwell for assistance, which, 
however, he was unable to render, as appears from the 
following, written on September 6, to his-brother-in- 
law, Colonel Walton:— 

4 We do with grief of heart resent the sad condition 
of our army in the west, and of affairs there. That 
business has our hearts in it, and truly had we wings 
we would fly thither. So soon as ever my Lord 
(Manchester) and the foot set me loose, there shall be 
in me no want to hasten what I can to that service. 

For indeed all other considerations are to be laid 
aside, and to give place as being of far more impor¬ 
tance. I hope the kingdom shall see that in the 
midst of our necessities we shall serve them without 
disputes. We hope to forget our wants, which are 
exceeding great and ill cared for; and desire to refer 
the many slanders heaped upon us by false tongues 
to God, who will in due time make it appear to the 
world that we study the glory of God and the honour 
and liberty of the Parliament, for which we unani¬ 
mously fight, without seeking our own interests. 

Indeed we never find our men so cheerful as when 
there is work to do. I trust you will always so hear 


208 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

VIII. 


1644 


of them. The Lord is our strength, and in Him is all 
our hope. Pray for us. Present my love to my 
friends; I beg their prayers. The Lord still bless 
you. 

‘We have some amongst us slow in action. If 
we could all intend our own ends less, and our ease 
too, our business in this army would go on wheels 
for expedition. Because some of us are enemies to 
rapine and other wickednesses, we are said to be 
“factious,” to seek to maintain “our opinions in 
religion by force,” which we detest and abhor. 

4 1 profess I could never satisfy myself of the just¬ 
ness of this war but from the authority of the 
Parliament to maintain itself in its rights. And in 
this cause I hope to approve myself an honest man 
and single-hearted. 

4 Pardon me that I am thus troublesome. I write 
but seldom; it gives me a little ease to pour my 
mind, in the midst of calumnies, into the bosom of a 
friend.’ 

Two months after the battle of Marston Moor the 
Royalist forces had their revenge in Cornwall, whither 
Essex was overtaken and surrounded by an army 
numerically superior to his own, his only alternative 
being to fight or to surrender. He chose the latter; 
not, however, before he effected his own escape to 
Plymouth, leaving Skippon to make the best terms he 
could for the Parliamentary troops, who ultimately 
had to lay down their arms, give up their artillery and 
stores, and engage not to serve again against the King. 
They were to be allowed to retain whatever money 
they had about them; but this order was not strictly 



NEWBURY FIGHT. 


observed, for some of them as they marched forth 
were pillaged by the King’s troops. Skippon perceiving 
this, rode up to the King, who stood by to see them 
pass, and remonstrated that it was against his Majesty’s 
honour and justice that the soldiers should be pillaged 
contrary to the articles, and desired his Majesty to 
give an order to restrain them, which, says Whitelock, 
the King did. 

The Parliament now made energetic efforts to get 
together a new and more powerful army to oppose 
the triumphant Royalist forces who were marching 
towards London from the West. The City train 
bands, amounting to 5,000 men, were called out. The 
division under Waller was ordered to join the forces 
of the Earl of Manchester and Cromwell. Thus 
reinforced, the Parliamentary army encountered the 
King’s troops, and the battle of Kewbury was fought 
on Sunday, October 27. The fight began about three 
o’clock in the afternoon, and continued until darkness 
put an end to the strife. 

The King withdrew his troops during the night in 
the direction of Oxford; nor could the energetic 
Cromwell prevail upon the cautious commander-in- 
chief to attack them during their retreat, although it 
was a beautiful moonlight evening, and every motion 
of the retreating troops was plainly visible to the Par¬ 
liamentary army. Cromwell, however, followed them 
with some of his horse until two hours before day¬ 
light; the King’s person was said to have been in 
danger once or twice during the pursuit. The 
Royalists, however, made good their retreat to Oxford ; 
and Cromwell returned disgusted at the caution, not 


210 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

VIII. 

— v "■ 

1644 


to say timidity, displayed by Manchester on this 
occasion, who is reported to have said, in reply to 
Cromwell’s remonstrance, that, 4 if they lost their army 
pursuing the King they had no other, and the King 
might hang them all’—a line of reasoning of all 
others the least likely to impress him to whom it 
was addressed. In fact, matters between the two 
generals had now approached a crisis, and shortly 
after each accused the other in the House of Com¬ 
mons. From this period the rupture between the 
Independents and the Presbyterians became no longer 
a question of doubt. For a long time previously 
there had been secret bickerings and jealousies, but 
matters had latterly come to such a pass that Crom¬ 
well deemed open rupture preferable to the con¬ 
tinuance of the secret mistrust which was fast 
disorganizing the Parliament’s forces. 

The reluctance shown by Lord Manchester to push 
his advantages after the Newbury fight decided 
Cromwell, and he left the army and the general for 
London, in order to lay his complaints before the 
Government. But these disagreements were not con¬ 
fined unfortunately to the two generals; a jealousy 
between two other commanders, Waller and Essex, 
had prevented mutual co-operation and assistance on 
more than one occasion. Essex charged Waller with 
wishing to sacrifice him, and Waller retorted by 
reproaching Essex with want of courage and judg¬ 
ment, with indecision and vacillation. 

To get Cromwell removed from the army now 
became the paramount object of the three Presbyterian 
commanders, Lords Leven, Essex, and Manchester. 


envy at Cromwell’s successes. 

Sir Thomas Fairfax, although a Presbyterian, and 
according to Clarendon one who could agree in 
nothing that Cromwell did, and yet contributed to 
bring about all that ultimately came to pass, alone 
stood his. friend among the generals. Envy at 
Cromwell’s military fame and success no doubt lay 
at the root of all this animosity; but his boldness, 
promptness of action, and decision, ultimately tri¬ 
umphed, and extricated him from their designs, as 
will be seen. 

Whitelock relates an amusing account of what took 
place at a meeting called together by Essex, to devise 
a scheme for the ruin of Cromwell, at which the 
Commissioners from Scotland were present. Both 
Whitelock and Maynard, friends of Oliver, were also 
at the meeting. 

They found assembled at the house of the Earl of 
Essex, Hollis, Philip Stapleton, Sir John Meyrick, 
Essex, and the Commisioners; and the Scotch Chan¬ 
cellor Loudon opened the matter in the following 
characteristic style:— 

4 You ken vary weel that Lieutenant-General 
Cromwell is no friend of ours, and since the advance 
of our army into England he has used all underhand 
and cunning means to take off from our honour. . . . 
It is thought requisite for us, and for carrying on the 
cause of the twa kingdoms, that this obstacle be re¬ 
moved, whom we see will be no small impediment to 
us in the gude design we have undertaken. He is 
not only no friend to us and our church, but he is 
also no well-wisher to his Excellency. . . . ^ ou 
ken vary weel the accord betwixt the twa nations, 


212 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

VIII. 


1644 


and the union by the solemn League and Covenant: 
and if any be an incendiary between the twa nations, 
how is he to be proceeded against? .... Now ye 
may ken that by our law in Scotland we call him an 
incendiary who kindleth coals of contention to the 
public damage. . . . Whether your law be the same 
or not, you ken best.’ To which Whitelock replied 
‘ that the sense of the word u incendiary ” was the same 
here as in Scotland, but whether the Lieutenant- 
General Cromwell be such must be proved. . . . That 
he looked upon him as a gentleman of quick and subtle 
parts, and who had great interest in both Houses of 
Parliament, and that it would be needful to collect 
such passages as would be sufficient to prove him an 
incendiary before they could expect the Parliament to 
proceed against him.’ 

Mr. Hollis and Sir John Philips replied, that 
Cromwell had not that interest in the Parliament as 
was supposed, and they would willingly join in the 
accusation; but the Scotch Commissioners said they 
were not so willing or ready to join with them in it. 
and so Oliver escaped. 

Whilst his enemies in London were thus secretly 
occupied in plotting his destruction, royalty was en¬ 
deavouring to compass the same ends at Oxford, 
whither the King had summoned Williams, Arch¬ 
bishop of York, in order to consult about the present 
state of affairs. After recommending the King to 
agree with the Parliament in consequence of the una¬ 
nimity between the English and Scotch nations in 
reference to the civil war, the prelate remarked, that 
the English, by the experience of the past two years 




THE KING AND THE ARCHBISHOP OF YORK. 


213 


in the art of war, had became expert; he then added: 
‘Have a care of Cromwell; he is the most dangerous 
enemy your Majesty has; therefore either win him 
over to your Majesty’s side by promises of fair 
treatment, or catch him by some stratagem and cut 
him shortto which the King replied, 4 I would some 
one would do me the good service to bring Cromwell 
to me, dead or alive.’ 

Williams, when previously occupying the See of 
Lincoln, it is to be remembered, had known Cromwell 
in former years when residing at Buckden in the 
neighbourhood of Huntingdon. There was, moreover, 
a distant relationship between them, for in a letter 
written by Cromwell some two years hence 4 to my 
Lord of York,’ Cromwell styles himself 4 Your cousin 
and servant.’ The unscrupulous advice to 4 win him 
over ’ or 4 cut him short’ came, therefore, from one who 
knew something of the man he was speaking of. 

The campaign ended, and the forces on both sides 
having gone into winter quarters, Cromwell made 
his appearance in the House of Commons on November 
23. and exhibited charges against the Earl of Man¬ 
chester, in which he accused the earl of 4 having always 
been indisposed and backward to engagements, and 
the ending of the war by the sword; and for such a 
peace as a victory would be a disadvantage to, and hath 
declared this by principles express to that purpose, and 
a continual series of carriage and actions answerable. 

4 That since the taking of York, as if the Parlia¬ 
ment had now advantage fully enough, he hath 
declined whatsoever tended to further advantage 
upon the enemy; neglected and shifted off oppor- 


CHAP. 

VIII. 


1644 



214 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

VIII. 

1644 


tunities to that purpose, as if he thought the King too 
low and the Parliament too high. 

4 That he hath drawn the army into and detained 
them in such a posture as to give the enemy fresh 
advantages, and this before his conjunction with the 
other armies, by his own absolute will, against or 
without his council of war; against many commands 
of both kingdoms, and with contempt and vilifying 
of these commands; and since the conjunction, some¬ 
times against the councils of war, and sometimes by 
persuading and deluding the council to neglect one 
opportunity with pretence of another, and at last by 
persuading that it was not fit to fight at all.’ 

These charges were met by counter-charges about 
a week later in the House of Lords. The principal fact 
relied on was to the effect that Cromwell had been 
ordered to proceed with his troops of horse on some 
service, shortly after the affair at Newbury, but had 
answered that the horses were not in a condition to 
go from overwork. 4 If your lordship,’ said he 4 wants 
to have the skins of the horses, this is the way to get 
them.’ 

A fortnight later, it was moved and carried, that 
all members having any military duties in the army 
should withdraw from the latter. In the debate 
v T hich ensued Lieutenant-General Cromwell said :— 

4 It is now a time to speak, or for ever hold the 
tongue. The important occasion now is no less than 
to save the nation out of a bleeding, nay almost dying 
condition, which the long continuation of this war 
hath already brought it unto; so that without a more 
speedy, vigorous, and effectual prosecution of the 



TIIE SELF-DENYING ORDINANCE. 


215 


war, casting off all lingering proceedings like soldiers 
of fortune beyond sea to spin out a war, we shall 
make the kingdom weary of us, and hate the name of 
a Parliament. For what do the enemy say? Nay, 
what do many say that were friends at the beginning 
of Parliament ? Even this, that the members of both 
Houses have got great places and commands, and the 
sword into their hands, and what by interest in Par¬ 
liament, what by power in the army, will perpetually 
continue themselves in grandeur, and not permit the 
war speedily to end, lest their own power should 
determine with it. This I speak here to our own 
faces, is but what others do utter abroad behind our 
backs. I am far from reflecting on any. I know 
the worth of those commanders, members of both 
Houses, who are yet in power; but if I may speak my 
conscience without reflection upon any, I do conceive 
if the army be not put into another method and the 
war more vigorously prosecuted, the people can bear 
the war no longer, and will enforce you to a dis¬ 
honourable peace. But this I would recommend to 
your prudence, not to insist upon any complaint or 
oversight of any commander-in-chief upon any 
occasion whatsoever; for as I must acknowledge 
myself guilty of oversights, so I know they can rarely 
be avoided in military affairs. Therefore, waving a 
strict enquiry into the causes of these things, let us 
apply ourselves to the remedy, which is most neces¬ 
sary. And I hope we have such true English hearts 
and zealous affections towards the general weal of 
our mother country, as no member of either blouse 
will scruple to deny themselves and their private 


CHAP. 

VIII. 


1644 



216 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

VIII. 


1644 


interests for the public good, nor account it to be a 
dishonour done to them whatever the Parliament 
shall resolve upon in this weighty affair.’ 

In the course of the debate it was argued that the 
measure would cause great discontent among the 
soldiers who served under those commanders whose 
military services were thus to be suspended. Crom¬ 
well for one, however, was of a different opinion, for 
he rose and said: 4 Mr. Speaker, I am not of the 
mind that the calling in of the members to sit in 
Parliament will break or scatter our armies. I can 
speak this for my own soldiers, that they look not 
upon me, but upon you ; and for you they will fight, 
and live, and die in your cause; and if others be of 
that mind that they are of, you need not fear them. 
They do not idolise me, but look upon the cause they 
fight for. You may lay upon them what commands 
you please they will obey your commands in that 
cause they fight for.’ 

The Self-denying Ordinance, as it was styled, never¬ 
theless passed on December 19, and the Commons 
proceeded to remodel the army, which they voted 
should consist of 21,000 men, Sir Thomas Fairfax 
being appointed General-in-Chief. 

During the last campaign the King had repeatedly 
expressed a readiness to listen to terms of peace, 
but his sincerity was not believed in, it being patent 
to everyone that to gain time for his expected 
succours to arrive was that he had in view; 
besides he hoped to bring the Parliament into bad 
odour with the nation for desiring to continue the 
war. 



PEACE COMMISSIONERS SENT TO THE KING. 


217 


When, however, the year’s campaign was over, the 
two Houses thought the time had arrived to show to 
the nation what were the views the King entertained 
of a real substantial peace, and also what were the 
guarantees, in the way of concessions towards obtaining 
a constitutional government he would offer. Accord¬ 
ingly, when the King returned to Oxford, on Novem¬ 
ber 20, the Parliament sent to desire a safe con¬ 
duct for their peace Commissioners; but his Majesty 
refused to recognise them, except as private indivi¬ 
duals. The Parliament at length agreed to waive the 
point, and the Commissioners having a safe-conduct 
granted them, proceeded to Oxford. 

At their first interview the King demanded whether 
they had power to treat, to which they replied in the 
negative; also adding that they were only permitted 
to receive his Majesty’s answer in writing and transmit 
it to the Parliament. 1 Then,’said the King, c a letter- 

carrier would have done as well as vou.’ 

■/ 

The terms proposed by the Parliament were then 
read, wherein it unmistakeably appeared that as a pre¬ 
liminary the King was required to acknowledge the 
two Houses as the Parliament of England. He heard 
the propositions read with attention, and promised to 
oive them an answer in due course. Meanwhile two 
of the Parliamentary Commissioners, Whitelock and 
Hollis, were privately sounded by the Earl of Lindsey, 
who sent to invite them to pay him a visit. Strange 
to say they not only went, but also with the consent 
and approbation of the rest of the Commissioners. 
Whitelock lias recorded what occurred at this inter- 


CHAP. 

VIII. 


1644 


view. 



218 


LIFE OF OLIVEU CROMWELL. 


chap. They found the earl in bed, and suffering from some 
viii. J ° 

— y—' indisposition. Shortly after they had been in the 

1644 1 _ J J 

room, the King, much to their astonishment, entered, 
and had a long conference with them. 4 I know,’ he 
said, 4 that you are both desirous of peace, and I wish 
that all the rest of the members were of your opinion; 
therefore, out of the confidence I have of you two, I 
ask your advice what answer will be best for me to 
give at this time to your propositions, which may 
probably further such a peace as all good men desire?’ 
Whitelock answered, 4 The best and most satisfactory 
answer, I humbly believe, would be your Majesty’s 
presence with your Parliament, and which I hope 
might be without danger to you.’ 

The King perceiving they did not care to speak 
their minds before so much company, said, 4 1 desire 
you two to go into the next room, confer a little 
together, and set down in writing what you apprehend 
may be fit for me to return in answer to your message.’ 
Whereupon they withdrew into another room, and, by 
Hollis’s entreaty, Whitelock wrote down what was 
their sense in this matter. 

The day following the King sent in a sealed packet 
without any superscription, but the Commissioners 
refused to receive it unless he gave them a copy. 

4 What is the answer to you, who are but to carry 
what I send? and if I send the song of Robin Hood 
and Little John you must carry it,’ was the King’s 
rejoinder. He, however, thought proper to comply 
with their request, it was simply a demand for safe- 
conduct for two noblemen to come with his answer. 
On the receipt of this document the two Houses 


T1IE UXBRIDGE CONFERENCE. 


219 


replied that if his Majesty would direct his communi- chap. 
cation k to the Parliament of England, assembled at v —r— 
Westminster , and to the Commissioners of the kingdom 
ot Scotland, they would with all readiness grant a 
safe-conduct.’ After much debate and consulta¬ 
tion, his Majesty was prevailed upon by his friends 
to comply, contenting himself, however, by making a 
private protestation against this recognition of the 
Parliament. 

Preliminaries beiim thus settled, the Kind’s Com- 
missioners proceeded to London, and the results of 
their negociations led to the conference which met at 
Uxbridge on January 30 following. It is scarcely 
necessary to trouble the reader with the details of the 
Treaty of Uxbridge, the failure of which it was easy 
to anticipate from the known motives, objects, and 
views of the contracting parties. 

Fortunately for the Parliament the King’s insin¬ 
cerity and duplicity in this transaction has been placed 
beyond all doubt by the correspondence between him¬ 
self and the Queen, discovered in his cabinet after the 
battle of Naseby. 

From Paris, on December 6, the Queen writes: L I 
understand that the Commissioners are arrived at 
London. I have nothing to say but that you have a 
care of your honour, and that, if you have a peace, it 
may be such as may hold; and if it fall out otherwise, 
that you do not abandon those who have served you, 
for fear they do forsake you in your need. Also I do 
not see how you can be in safety without a regiment 
of guards; for myself, 1 think I cannot be, seeing the 
malice which they have against me and my religion, 


220 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL, 


CHAP. 

VIII. 

1645 


of which I hope you will have a care of both; but, in 
my opinion, religion should be the last thing upon 
which you should treat. For if you do agree upon 
strictness against the Catholics, it would discourage 
them to serve you; and if afterwards there should be 
no peace, you could never expect succours either from 
Ireland or any Catholic prince, for they would believe 
you would abandon them after you had served your¬ 
self.’ 

The King replies: 4 Know, as a certain truth, that 
all, even my party, are strangely impatient for peace, 
which obliged me so much the more to show my real 
intentions to peace. And likewise I am put in very 
good hope that if I should come to a fair treaty the 
rinpleading rebels would not hinder me from a £ood 
peace: first, because their own party are almost weary 
of the war, and likewise for the great distractions which 
at this time most assuredly are amongst themselves, 
as Presbyterians against Independents in religion, and 

general against general in point of command. 

I have joined conditions with the propositions, with¬ 
out which this sound will signify nothing, which thou 
wilt find to be most of the chief ingredients of an 
honourable and safe peace. . . . This, I hope, will 
secure thee from the trouble which otherwise may be 
caused by malicious rumours; and though I judge my¬ 
self secure in thy thoughts from suspecting me guilty 
of any baseness, yet I held this account necessary, to 
the end thou mayest make others know, as well as 
thyself, this certain truth, that no danger, or death, 
or misery, shall make me do anything unworthy of 
thy love. 


ROYAL REASONING. 


C T conclude by conjuring thee as thou lovest me, 
that no appearance of peace, nor hopeful condition of 
mine, make thee neglect to hasten succours for him 
who is eternally thine.’ 

‘ Copy to my wife Dec. 1644, by Tom Elliot..’ 

Again he writes, on January 1:— 

4 1 shall tell thee that the rebels are en£as;ed into 
an equal treaty, and the distractions of London were 
never so great, or so likely to bring good effect, as 
now. Lastly, that assistance was never more likely 
as now to do good.’ 

But the following, written a day later, is more 
significant.:— 

4 As for my calling those at London a Parliament, 
I shall refer thee to Digby for particular satisfaction 
of this in general. If there had been but two 
besides myself of my opinion, I had not done it; and 
the argument that prevailed with me was, that the 
calling did no ways acknowledge them to be a Parlia¬ 
ment. Upon which condition and construction I 
did, and no otherwise ; and accordingly it is registered 
in the Council books with the Council’s unanimous 
approbation.’ 

Fearing lest the rumour of peace should slacken 
the efforts making abroad, the King writes again on 
January 22:— 

4 1 desire thee to show the Queen (of France) and 
Ministers there the improbability that this present 
treaty should produce a peace, considering the great 
strange difference, if not contrariety of grounds, that 
are betwixt the rebels’ propositions and mine, and that 
T canot alter mine, nor will they ever theirs, till they 






222 LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 

chap, be out of hope to prevail by force, which a little 
r " assistance by thy means will soon make them be. 

1 64 :^ ^ 

For I am confident, if ever I could put them to a 
defensive, which a reasonable sum of money would do, 
they would be easily brought to reason.’ 

4 Have a care,’ says the Queen in her reply, c not to 
abandon those who have served you; as well the 
bishops as the poor Catholics.’ 

In another letter written from Oxford, and dated 
February 15, the King says:— 

4 As for our treaty, there is every day less hopes 
that it will produce a peace; but I will absolutely 
promise thee that if we can have one it shall be such 
as shall invite thy return; for I vow that without 
thy company I can neither have peace nor comfort 
within myself. The limited days for treating are 
almost expired without the least agreement upon 
any one article ; wherefore I have sent for enlarge¬ 
ment of days that the whole treaty may be laid open 
to the world; and I assure thee that thou needest not 
doubt the issue of this treaty, for my Commissioners 
are so chosen that they will neither be threatened nor 
disputed from the grounds I have given them, which, 
upon my word, is according to the little note thou so 
well remembereth. 

4 In short, there is little or no appearance but that 
this (next) summer will be the hottest for war of any 
that hath been yet; and be confident, that in 
making peace, I shall ever show my constancy in 
adhering to bishops and all our friends, and not 
forget to put a short period to this perpetual Parlia¬ 
ment. But as thou lovest me, let none persuade thee 


THE OXFORD PARLIAMENT. 


223 


to slacken thine assistance for him who is eternally 
thine.’ 

As a stimulus to the Queen in her efforts to obtain 
pecuniary assistance, the King writes, a few days 
later:— 


CHAP. 

VIII. 

1645 


‘I have thought of one means more to furnish thee 
with, for my assistance; it is, that I give thee power 
in my name (to whom thouthinkest most fit); that I 
will take away all the penal laws against the Roman 
Catholics in England as soon as God shall make me 
able to do it, so as by their means, or in their favour, 
I may have so powerful assistance as may deserve so 
great a favour and enable me to do it.’ 

One more extract will suffice. It reflects no credit 
on his Majesty, for it seems that those who had 
faithfully followed him to Oxford, to the utter ruin of 
their property, were equally maligned with the rest of 
the members of the celebrated Long Parliament. 

‘What I told thee last week concerning a good 
parting with my Lords and Commons here was on 
Monday last handsomely performed. ... I being 
now well freed from the place of base and mutinous 
motions (that is to say our mongrel Parliament here) 
as of the chief causers, from whom I may justly 
expect to be chidden by thee for having suffered thee 
to be vexed by them.’ 



224 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 




CHAPTER IX. 


Failure of the Uxbridge Treaty and renewal of the Struggle—The Self- 
denying Ordinance suspended to enable Cromwell to join the Army at 
this juncture—Cromwell and his Troop of Ironsides successfully en¬ 
counter the Royalists at Islip Bridge—The King marches towards 
Chester, which is deserted by the Parliamentary General Brereton— 
His Majesty appears before Leicester and takes the Town by Storm— 
Failure of the Committee of both Kingdoms sitting in London success¬ 
fully to direct Military Operations.—The Fen District threatened by 
the Royalist Forces—Cromwell’s Assistance petitioned for by the 
Inhabitants—Further Leave of Absence from Parliament granted Him 
—Meets with a Failure in his Attack on Farringdon House—His 
Successes in the Isle of Ely, St. Ives, and Gainsborough—The Battle 
of Naseby—Cromwell’s Letter to the Speaker—Joyful Reception of 
the News in London—Further Victories over the Royalists in the 
West—Cromwell’s successful Management of the Clubmen—Siege of 
Bristol and Rupert’s Discomfiture—Intelligence received of the 
King’s Attack and Plunder of Huntingdon—Letter of Cromwell to 
the Speaker, giving an Account of the Success at Bristol—Deplorable 
State of the City when Evacuated by Rupert and the Royalist Forces 
—Anger of the King towards his Nephew Prince Rupert—Termina¬ 
tion of the First Civil War—Cromwell appears in Force before Win¬ 
chester—His Description of the Siege of the Castle in a Letter to 
General Sir Thomas Fairfax—Striking Trait of Cromwell’s Rigour in 
punishing Plunderers—Hugh Peters, who was present at the Siege, 
called upon to give an Account to the House of Commons—Sack of 
Basing House—A Day of Thanksgiving ordered for the late Victories 
—Termination of further Resistance by the Royalists. 


CHAP. 

IX. 

1645 


The so-called Treaty of Uxbridge having proved 
abortive, each side prepared to renew the struggle, 
and the campaign of 1645—the most disastrous to 
Charles of all his campaigns—opened towards the end 
of April. The King was desirous of leaving Oxford, 
in order to join Prince Rupert, who lay at Worcester 
with a large body of horse ; accordingly the Prince 
detached 2,000 troops to support the King’s infantry^ 


225 


RENEWAL OF THE STRUGGLE. 

and artillery on its march. This coming to the chap. 
knowledge of the Parliamentary committee of both >—i— 
kingdoms sitting in London, from whom the army 
received their orders, they directed Sir Thomas 
Fairfax, whose head quarters remained still at 
Windsor, to intercept and prevent the junction of 
the King’s forces. 4 The charge of this service,’ they 
write, 6 we recommend particularly to General Crom¬ 
well.’ It so happened that Cromwell had arrived 
at Windsor the evening previous to the receipt of 
this despatch, in order to take leave of the com¬ 
mander-in-chief, he having now no longer military 
duties to perform by reason of the Self-denying 
Ordinance. But the recommendation of the London 
committee, together with the fact that the ordinance 
itself was not to be in force until May 17 ensuing, 
decided him to accept with alacrity the new appoint¬ 
ment. With his usual promptness Oliver collected 
together the troops appointed for the service, in¬ 
cluding the unconquerable 4 Ironsides ’ which now 
formed part of the model army under Fairfax, and 
marched into Oxfordshire in quest of the enemy. 

Of this expedition let us hear his own statement, 
conveyed to the committee of both kingdoms, in a let¬ 
ter written from Bletchington, and dated April 25 : — 

4 According to your lordships’ appointment, I 
have attended your service in these parts, and have 
not had so fit an opportunity to give you an account 
as now. So soon as 1 received your commands, I 
appointed a rendezvous at Wellington. The body 
being come up, I marched to Wheately Bridge, 
having sent before to Major-General Browne for 

Q 


226 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, intelligence, and it being market-day at Oxford, from 
—»— whence I likewise hoped, by some of the market 
people, to gain notice where the enemy was. 

‘ Towards night I received certain notice by Major- 
General Browne that the carriages were not stirred, 
that Prince Maurice was not there; and by some 
Oxford scholars, that there were four carriages and 
wagons ready in one place, and in another five : all, as I 
conceived, fit for a march. I received notice also that 
the Earl of Northampton’s regiment was quartered 
at Islip, wherefore in the evening I marched that way, 
hoping to have surprised them; but by the mistake 
and failing of the forlorn hope, they had an alarm 
there* and to all their quarters, and so escaped me; 
by means whereof they had time to draw all together. 

‘ I kept my body all night at Islip, and in the morn¬ 
ing a party of the Earl of Northampton’s regiment, 
the Lord Wilmot’s, and the Queen’s, came to make an 
infall upon me. Sir Thomas Fairfax’s regiment (the 
Ironsides) was the first that took the field; the rest 
drew out with all possible speed. That which is the 
general’s troop charged a whole squadron of the 
enemy, and presently broke it. Our other troops 
coming seasonably on, the rest of the enemy were 
presently put into confusion, so that we had the chase 
of them three or four miles ; wherein we killed many, 
and took near two hundred prisoners, and about four 
hundred horse. 

c Many of them escaped towards Oxford and 
Woodstock, divers were drowned, and others got into 
a strong house in Bletchington, belonging to Sir 
Thomas Cogan, wherein Colonel Windebank kept a 



ENCOUNTER AT ISLIP BRIDGE. 


227 


garrison with near two hundred men, whom I chap. 
presently summoned ; and after a long treaty he — 
went out about twelve at night, with these terms here 
enclosed, leaving us between two and three hundred 
muskets, besides horse-arms and other ammunition, 
and about three score and eleven horses more. 

4 This was the mercy of God, and nothing is more 
due than a real acknowledgment. And though I have 
had great mercies, yet none clearer; because, in the 
first, God brought them to our hands when we laid 
a reasonable design to surprise them, and which we 
carefully endeavoured. His mercy appears in this 
also, that I did much doubt the storming of the house, 
it being strong and well manned, and I having few 
dragoons, and this being not my business; and yet 
we got it. 

4 1 hope you will pardon me if I say God is not enough 
owned. We look too much to men, and visible helps; 
this hath much hindered our success. But I hope 
God will direct all to acknowledge Him alone in all.’ 

Two things are noticeable in this remarkable let¬ 
ter: the humble recognition of the God of Battles, 
who alone giveth victory, and the absence of all 
self-laudation. That which he mentions as the 
general’s troop was no other than the invincible 
Ironsides he had so often led to victory—the men 
whom he had raised, instructed and prayed with, nay 
frequently preached to. 

The surrender of Bietchington House proved a 
disastrous affair to the unfortunate Windebank, 
whose beautiful young bride was soon to become a 
widow for her share in the transaction, as it was 


228 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 

chap, in consequence of her entreaties that her husband was 
—^—' prevailed upon to surrender what he might so easily 
have held; for he was, by the command of his royal 
master, tried, condemned, and 4 shot to death.’ 

These reverses did not prevent the King taking 
the field on May 7, on which day he left Oxford and 
marched with his forces in the direction of Chester, 
that city being besieged by the Parliamentary forces 
under Sir William Brereton. When within twenty 
miles of the city, Brereton, hearing of the King’s ap¬ 
proach, raised the siege and retired into Lancashire. 
This movement left his Majesty free to commence 
operations in another direction, of which he was not 
slow to avail himself, for he suddenly appeared before 
Leicester, and carried the town by storm on April 30, 
thus having the whole eastern associated counties open 
before him, and without an army to oppose his march 
into that district. 

Meanwhile the Parliamentary army had been di¬ 
rected to lay siege to Oxford during the King’s 
absence; but on the news reaching London of his 
Majesty’s success at Leicester, the general had orders 
to march as quickly as possible into the associated 
district. 

The absurdity of a committee sitting in London at¬ 
tempting successfully to guide an army at a distance, 
and in the presence, or within a few miles, of an active 
enemy, was never more conspicuous than during this 
period. The month of May was thus consumed by the 
Parliamentary forces; marching and counter-marching 
in obedience to the will of the committee of both kin<r- 

O 

doms. Taunton, beseiged by the King’s forces under 



CROMWELL REJOINS THE ARMY. 


229 


Sir Richard Grenville, requiring aid, Fairfax, accord¬ 
ing to his instructions, proceeded with his army to¬ 
wards Somersetshire. Arrived at Salisbury, he was 
suddenly recalled to defend the midland and eastern 
counties, now threatened by the King. Scarcely had 
this movement commenced when another despatch 
pressed him to go hastily towards Oxford, now left 
exposed by the King’s absence. Before there had been 
time sufficient to carry out these last instructions, the 
King had gained possession of Leicester, and Fairfax 
was required to march in pursuit of the Royalists, now 
threatening the Fen district. It was, therefore, with 
no small amount of dismay that the general and his 
officers contemplated the approaching loss of Crom¬ 
well’s vigorous and able presence amongst them at 
the termination of his leave of absence from the Par¬ 
liament. They accordingly sent an urgent petition, 
praying that Cromwell’s services might be prolonged, 
and rewarded by his being appointed Lieutenant- 
General and Commander-in-Chief of the Horse: a 
request which, after much opposition, principally from 
the Earl of Essex, was acceded to, and a further 
leave of absence of forty days granted, subsequently 
extended to three months; and ultimately, as will 
be seen, to an indefinite period. 

During these busy weeks he appears to have met 
with one failure, towards the end of April, at Far- 
ringdon Llouse. The governor of that place, on being 
summoned to surrender, refused ; Cromwell therefore 
assaulted the mansion, but was unsuccessful, and had 
to withdraw his troops with a loss of fifty men and 
one officer, who was taken prisoner. But when he 


CHAP. 

IX. 


1645 


4 



LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


was informed of the threatened invasion of the 
eastern associated district, his soul was on fire, and all 
the energy and impulsiveness of his character was 
roused in defence of his beloved counties. 

Leaving Fairfax, who followed with the main body 
of the army, Cromwell’s first efforts were directed to 
secure that part of the Isle of Ely most in danger. 

4 Truly I found it,’ he writes to Sir Thomas Fair¬ 
fax from Huntingdon on June 4, 4 in a very ill 
posture; and it is yet but weak, without works, 
ammunition or men considerable, and of money 
least. . . . yet God has preserved us all this while 

to a miracle.’ Two davs later he wrote from Cam- 

•/ 

bridge an urgent letter to the deputy-lieutenants of 
Suffolk to hasten all the horse and foot soldiers 
they could gather, as follows:— 

4 The cloud of the enemy’s army hanging still upon 
the borders, and drawing towards Harborough, make 
some suppose that they aim at the association. In 
regard whereof we having information that the army 
about Oxford was not yesterday advanced, albeit it was 
ordered so to do, we thought meet to give you intelli¬ 
gence thereof, and therewith earnestly to propound to 
your consideration that you will have in readiness 
what horse and foot may be had, that so a proportion 
may be drawn forth for this service such as may be 
expedient. And because we conceive that the exi¬ 
gence may require horse and dragoons, we desire 
that all your horse and dragoons may hasten to 
Newmarket, where they will receive orders for 
further advance, according as the motion of the enemy 
and of our army shall require, and to allow both 


COUNCIL OF WAR. 


231 


the several troops of dragoons and horse one week’s chap. 
pay, to be laid down by the owner, which shall be — 
repaid out of the public money of the county; the 
pay of each trooper being 14s. per week, and of a 
dragoon 10s. 6cZ. per week. 

‘P.S. The place of rendezvous for the horse and 
dragoons to be at Newmarket, and for the foot Bury. 

Since the writing hereof we received certain intelli¬ 
gence that the enemy’s body, with sixty carriages, was 
upon his march towards the association, three miles on 
this side Harborough, last night at four of the clock.’ 

He is next heard of at St. Ive’s, summoning the 
inhabitants of that town and the surrounding neigh¬ 
bourhood to meet him, in order to devise means for 
preventing the King’s forces from invading the asso¬ 
ciation. 

Fairfax meanwhile was hastening from Oxford 
with the Parliamentary army. On June 11 they 
marched from Stony Stratford to Wootton, near Nor¬ 
thampton: the day following they reached Borough 
Hill, within five miles of where the King’s army lay 
encamped. 

At six o’clock the next morning a council of war 
was held. During the debate, Cromwell, with 600 
horse and dragoons, arrived from the eastern associated 
counties. Their appearance caused great joy, and 
the army welcomed them with shouts of acclamation. 

The deliberations of the council resulted in Harrison 
being dispatched with a detachment of troops in the 
direction of Daventry, whilst Ireton and a body of 
horse followed the King. The main army, with the two 
generals, Fairfax and Cromwell, by a flank movement, 



LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


followed in the same direction, reaching Gainsborough 
in the evening, where they remained for the night. 

Ireton, with his troop of flying horse, overtook the 
rear-guard of the Royalist army between nine and ten 
o’clock at night, and after a brisk encounter succeeded 
in capturing several prisoners, and carrying them off 
to Naseby. The King, who led the rear guard, had 
retired to bed at a house in a neighbouring village, 
but was roused by the sudden arrival of some of the 
routed troops. He rose immediately, and proceeded 
to consult with Prince Rupert, who led the van, whom 
he found in bed at Market Harborough. Not a little 
surprised at a visit from his royal uncle at that late 
hour, he dressed himself as quickly as possible, and 
descended into the sitting-room, where he found the 
King in a state of great irritation, sitting in a chair in 
a low room. A council of war was forthwith held, 
when it was debated whether it were better to carry out 
the original intention of going on direct to the relief of 
Pomfret, or before doing so give battle to the Round- 
heads. The older officers present were in favour of 
the former. Prince Rupert, on the contrary, was 
eager for the fight; and the King’s inclinations being 
in the same direction, it was decided that the 
Royalist forces should turn back and fight. 

Such were the antecedent circumstances which led to 
the celebrated battle of Naseby—the most decisive and 
disastrous to the King of all his military engagements. 

The village of Naseby is situated on the borders of 
Leicestershire and Northamptonshire, midway between 
Daventry and Market Harborough, some seven or 
eight miles from either place. 


BATTLE OF NASEBY. 


233 


The battle was fought in a large fallow-field, about 
a mile and a half to the north-west of Naseby. The 
whole country was at that time unenclosed, with but 
little or no timber, and so it continued down to a 
comparatively recent period. The Parliamentary forces 
left Gainsborough at three o’clock on the morning of 
Saturday, June 14, and reached Naseby two hours 
later. They found the Royalist forces drawn up 
in order of battle, about a mile to the south of Har- 
borough. In point of numbers there was little or no 
difference between the two armies. The King’s main 
body of foot was led by Astley, lately made a baron; 
the right wing of horse by Prince Rupert, and the 
left by Sir Marmaduke Langdale. The reserve, com¬ 
posed of the King’s Life Guards of horse and foot, was 
commanded by the Earl of Lindsey and Lord Stuart, 
the latter had recently been created Earl of Lichfield. 
The main body of the Parliamentary army was com¬ 
manded by Fairfax and Skippon. Cromwell led the 
right wing, and Ireton the left; whilst the reserve was 
under Hammond, Rainsborough, and Pride. 4 Our 
word/ says one in the Parliamentary ranks, who 
wrote a description of the battle the day following, Gvas 
44 God our strength;” theirs 44 Queen Mary.” After we 
had recommended ourselves to the Almighty’s pro¬ 
tection, our warning piece was shot off as a signal.’ 

The battle began at ten o’clock, by Prince Rupert 
charging up the hill on which Ireton’s left wing was 
stationed. 4 He charged them,’ says an eye-witness, 
‘with such fury and gallantry as few in the army 
ever saw the like, and beat them down the hill to the 
train where Colonel Bartlet’s regiment and the fire- 


CHAP. 

IX. 

1645 


234 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, locks that guarded the train were stationed; beat them 

ix. & 

-—v—' from it, and won the ground our horse had lost.’ 

1 f* A 

In this encounter Ireton was wounded and taken 
prisoner. Rupert chased the flying troops nearly to 
Naseby, thus repeating the fault he committed at 
Marston Moor, where his long absence from the field 
of battle proved so disastrous to the Royalist forces. 
It was on their return that the baggage-train encoun¬ 
ter took place, which Rushworth, who was secretary 
to the Commander-in-Chief, and present on the scene 
described. 4 A party of theirs,’ he says, 4 that broke 
through the left wing of horse, came quite behind the 
rear of our train; the leader of them being a person 
somewhat in habit like the general, in a red montero, 
as the general had. He came as a friend; our com¬ 
mander of the guard of the train went with his hat in 
his hand, and asked him how the day went? The 
cavalier, who we since heard was Rupert, asked him 
and the rest if they would have quarter? They 
cried 44 No! ” gave fire, and instantly beat them off. It 
was a happy deliverance.’ Whilst the right wing of 
the Royalist horse under Rupert were engaged as we 
have seen, their left wing under Langdale fared far 
otherwise; for Cromwell, who commanded the right 
of the Parliament horse, rushed with his accustomed 
impetuosity down the hill, sweeping everything before 
him, thus separating Langdale’s troops from the main 
body, until at length they broke and fled. Cromwell 
then dispatched four troops after them, and with the 
rest of the division returned to the field. In the 
meanwhile the King, seeing the enemy’s centre left un¬ 
supported by their horse, furiously attacked Fairfax, 



BATTLE OF NASEBY. 


235 


who was forced to give ground, all excepting his own chap. 
regiment retreating in disorder. At this critical - —^ ' ■ 
moment Cromwell, returning with his victorious horse, 
encountered the rear of the King’s centre, and at the 
same moment Skippon brought up the Parliamentary 
reserve in their front, so that the battle, which hitherto 
had gone in favour of the Poyalists, now presented a 
different aspect. Seeing this, the Royalist reserves 
were brought to the front, led by the King iu person. 

His Majesty was just on the point of charging when, 
according to Clarendon, the Earl Carnwarth, who 
rode next his Majesty, on a sudden laid hold of the 
bridle of the King’s horse, and said to him, 4 Will you 
go upon your death in an instant ? ’ and before his 
Majesty understood what he would have, turned his 
horse round; upon which a word ran through the 
troops that they should march to the right, which was 
both from charging the enemy or assisting their own 
men; and upon this they all turned their horses and 
rode upon the spur as if they were every man to 
shift for himself.’ Thus unsupported by their reserve, 
the King’s forces were easily overcome by Fairfax 
and Cromwell. One more chance remained for the 
Royalists; for at this instant Rupert, with his troops 
laden with plunder, returned to the field, and his 
scattered cavalry hastily reformed. 4 One charge 
more, and we recover the day,’ shouted the King; but, 
unlike Oliver’s Ironsides, the King’s cavalry could 
never be brought to make a second charge on the 
same day, and all the efforts of the commanders were 
unable to prevent them from wheeling round and 
leaving the field in disorder. Meanwhile Cromwell flew 



LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


like lightning from one division of the army to the 
other: nothing could arrest his impetuous onslaught. 
He broke the King’s squadrons one after the other, with 
the greatest ease and rapidity. One division, however, 
could not be shaken until attacked simultaneously 
in the front and rear by Cromwell and Skippon, 
who met each other in the centre, and the last of the 
Royalist foot were put to confusion. Then ensued one 
of the most desperate and deadly pursuits ever 
recorded: the Royalists fled, followed by Cromwell and 
his troops, who did frightful execution among them, 
to within a short distance of the town of Leicester. 

In this engagement the Royalists lost all their 
artillery, baggage, the King’s private cabinet, and 8,000 
stand of arms. 150 officers and gentlemen were left 
dead upon the field; a great number of men and 
officers were also taken prisoners. Ireton, who had 
been wounded and taken prisoner early in the engage¬ 
ment, contrived to make his escape in the confusion 
at the close of the battle. Major-General Skippon, 
wounded in the attack on the King’s centre, was seen 
riding furiously from point to point encouraging his 
men; when Fairfax, seeing his exhausted condition, 
requested him to go off the field, but he declined, saying 
he 4 should not stir so long as a man could stand.’ 

The evening of the battle Cromwell wrote to the 
Speaker as follows:— 

1 Being commanded by you to this service, I think 
myself bound to acquaint you with the good hand of 
God towards you and us. 

c We marched yesterday after the King, who went 
before us from Daventry to Harborough, and quar- 



Cromwell’s letter to the speaker. 


237 


tered about six miles from him. He drew out to chap. 

ix. 

meet us: both armies engaged. We, after three ^—r-— 
hours’ fight, very doubtful, at last routed his army; 
killed and took about 5,000, very many officers, but 
of what quality we yet know not. We took also 
about 200 carriages, all he had; and all his guns, 
being twelve in number, whereof two were demi- 
cannon, two demi-culver ins, and I think the rest 
sackers. We pursued the enemy from three miles 
short of Harborough to nine beyond, even to the 
sight of Leicester, whither the King fled. 

c Sir, this is none other but the hand of God; and 
to Him alone belongs the glory, wherein none are to 
share with Him. The general served you with all 
faithfulness and honour, and the best commendation 
I can give him is, that I dare say he attributes all to 
God, and would rather perish than assume to himself; 
and yet as much for bravery may be given to him in 
this action as to any man. Honest men served you 
faithfully in this action. Sir, they are trusty; I 
beseech you, in the name of God, not to discourage 
them. I wish this action may beget thankfulness 
and humility in all that are concerned in it. He that 
ventures his life for the liberty of his country, I wish 
he trust God for the liberty of his conscience, and you 
for the liberty he fights for. And in this he rests who is 

c Your most humble servant, 

‘ Oliver Cromwell.’ 

To understand the meaning of Cromwell’s conclud¬ 
ing remarks, it is necessary to bear in mind that there 
were in the Parliamentry army many officers and 



238 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, soldiers, who with himself, could not be prevailed upon 
-—A—' to take the solemn league and covenant, and towards 
whom as a matter of course he felt much sympathy. 

The news of the victory reached London the next 
day. On the Monday following the Parliament 
ordered the bearer who brought the first intelligence 
from the general to be paid 40/., and the messenger 
from the lieutenant-general 20/. An ordinance also 
passed to the effect that ‘Lieutenant-General Cromwell 
continue with the army three months after the fifty 
days assigned are expired.’ 

Fairfax, equally with Cromwell, hesitated not pub¬ 
licly to recognise and acknowledge his thanksgiving 
for the victory, and from whence it came. 4 All that 
I desire,’wrote Fairfax to the House, ‘is that the 
honour of this never-to-be-forgotten mercy may be 
given to God in an extraordinary day of thanksgiving 
—a request that met with instant compliance by that 
Puritan assembly, for a resolution passed later in the 
debate which followed, ‘ that Thursday next be ap¬ 
pointed a day of thanksgiving.’ 

Fairfax, with the main body of the army, followed 
the King’s troops to within four miles of Leicester; 
but the Eoyalists pushed on beyond, leaving Lord 
Hastings and some troops behind to defend the town: 
which, however, was attacked on the Monday and 
surrendered on the following Wednesday. 

‘ You have heard of Naseby,’ wrote Cromwell to a 
friend, a few days later. It was a happy victory. 
.... God was pleased to use his servants ; and if 
men will be malicious, and swell with envy, we know 
who hath said, If they will not see, yet they shall see, 


ENCOUNTER AT LANGPORT. 


239 


and be ashamed for their envy at His people. I can chap. • 
say this of Naseby; that when I saw the enemy draw •——- 
up and march in gallant order towards us, and we 
a company of poor ignorant men, to seek how to order 
our battle, the general having commanded me to order 
all the horse, I could not, riding alone about my busi¬ 
ness, but cry out to God in praises, in assurance of 
victory, because God would, by things that are not, to 
bring to naught things that are; of which I had 
great assurance—and God did it! Oh that men 
would therefore praise the Lord, and declare His 
wonders that He doth for the children of men.’ 

After this victory the Parliamentary army lost no 
time in hastening to the south-west of England—the 
only district in which Charles now possessed any 
power and influence. In July Cromwell had reached 
the neighbourhood of Bridgewater; and at Langport, 
a few miles distant, he found a body of Eoyalist troops 
joined by a number of agricultural labourers armed 
with clubs, posted in a strong position. The follow¬ 
ing is Cromwell’s account, written to a friend, of 
what ensued:—. 

L We were advanced to Long Sutton, near a very 
strong place of the enemy’s called Langport; far from 
our garrisons, without ammunition, in a place ex¬ 
tremely wanting in provisions, the malignant clubmen 
interposing, who are ready to take all advantages 
against our parties, and would undoubtedly take them 
against our army if they had opportunity. Goring 
stood upon the advantage of strong passes, staying 
until Grenville and Prince Charles with his men were 
come up to him. We could not well have necessitated 



LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


him to an engagement, nor have stayed one day 
longer without retreating to our ammunition and to 
conveniency of victual. 

1 In the morning word was brought us that the 
enemy drew out. He did so with a resolution to 
send most of his cannon and baggage to Bridgewater, 
which he effected, but with a resolution not to fight, 
but trusting to his ground, thinking he could make 
away at pleasure. 

‘The pass was straight between him and us. He 
brought two cannon to secure, and laid his mus¬ 
keteers strongly in the hedges. We beat off his 
cannon, fell down upon his musketeers, beat them off 
from their strength; and where our horse could 
scarcely pass two abreast, I commanded Major Bethel 
to charge them with two troops of about one hundred 
and twenty horse, which he performed with the 
greatest gallantry imaginable, beat back two bodies 
of the enemy’s horse, being Goring’s own brigade— 
brake them at sword’s point. The enemy charged 
them with near four hundred fresh horse, set them 
all going, until, oppressed with multitudes, he brake 
through them, with the loss of not above three or four 
men. Major Desborourgh seconded him with some 
other of those troops which where about there. 
Bethel faced about, and they both routed, at sword’s 
point, a great body of the enemy’s horse, which gave 
such an unexpected terror to the enemy’s army, that 
it set them all a-running. Our foot in the meantime 
coming on bravely, and beating the enemy from their 
strength, we presently had the chase to Langport and 
Bridgewater. 


DISPERSION OF THE CLUBMEN. 


241 


‘We took and killed about 2,000—brake all his chap. 
foot. 'We have taken very many horses and con- —A- 
siderable prisoners. What are slain we know not. 

We have the Lieutenant-General of the Ordnance, 

Colonel Preston, Colonel Heveningham, Colonel 
Slingsby, we know of, besides very many other officers 
of quality. All Major-General Massey’s party was 
with him, seven or eight miles from us, and about 
1,200 of our foot and three regiments of our horse, 
so that we had but seven regiments with us.’ 

Victory upon victory, in quick succession, now 
rewarded the Parliamentary forces. On July 23 
Bridgewater was successfully stormed ; a week later 
Bath yielded; and on August 4 the Clubmen were 
encountered by Cromwell, who relates as follows his 
adventures, in a letter to Sir Thomas Fairfax, who 
was at that time at Sherborne:— 

4 1 marched this morning towards Shaftesbury. In 
my way I found a party of Clubmen gathered to¬ 
gether about two miles on this side of the town 
towards you, and one Mr. Newman at the head of 
them. ... I sent to them to know the cause of their 
meeting. Mr. Newman came to me and told me that 
the Clubmen in Dorset and Wilts, to the number of 
10,000, were to meet about their men who were 
taken away at Shaftesbury, and that their intention 
was to secure themselves from being plundered. To 
the first I told them, that although no account was 
due to them, yet I knew the men were taken by your 
authority to be tried judicially for raising a third party 
in the kingdom; and if they should be found guilty, 
they must suffer according to the nature of their 

R 



242 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 

chap, offence; if innocent, I assured them you would ac- 

———' quit them. Upon this they said, “ If they have deserved 
punishment they would not have anything to do with 
them,” and so were quieted as to that point. For the 
other, I assured them that it was your great care 
not to suffer them in the least to be plundered, and 
that they should defend themselves from violence, and 
bring to your army such as did them any wrong, 
where they would be punished with all severity: 
upon this, very quietly and peaceably, they marched 
away to their houses, being very well satisfied and 
contented. 

4 We marched on to Shaftesbury, where we heard 
a great body of them was drawn together about 
Hambledon Hill, where indeed near 2,000 were 
gathered. I sent a forlorn hope of about fifty horse, 
who, coming very civilly to them, they fired upon 
them; and ours desiring some of them to come to 
me, were refused with disdain. They were drawn 
into one of the old camps upon a very high hill. I 
sent one Mr. Lee to them to certify the peaceableness 
of my intentions, and to desire them to peaceableness, 
and to submit to the Parliament. They refused, and 
fired at us. I sent him a second time, to let them 
know that if they would lay down their arms no 
wrong should be done to them. They still refused: 
I commanded your Captain-Lieutenant to draw up to 
them to be in readiness to charge; and, if upon his 
falling on, they would lay down arms, to accept 
them and spare them. When we came near, they 
refused his offer and let fly at him, killed about two 
of his men and at least four horses. The passage 



SIEGE OF BRISTOL. 


243 


not being [wide enough] for above three abreast, kept chap. 
us out, whereupon Major Desborough wheeled about, >—r— 
got in at the rear of them, beat them from the work, 1645 
and did some small execution upon them; I believe 
killed not twelve of them, but cut very many. We 
have taken about 300, many being poor silly crea¬ 
tures, whom if you please to let me send home, 
they promise to be very dutiful for time to come, 
and will be hanged before they come out again. 

1 The ringleaders we have I intend to bring to 
you. They had taken divers of the Parliament 
soldiers prisoners, besides Colonel Finnes and his men, 
and used them very barbarously, bragging “ they 
hoped to see my Lord Hopton, and that he is to 
command them.” They expected from Wilts great 
store, and gave out they meant to raise the siege at 
Sherborne when they were all met. We have gotten 
great store of their arms, and they carried few or none 
home. We quarter about ten miles off, and purpose 
to draw our quarters near to you to-morrow.’ 

But the event most important next after the battle 
of Kaseby was the taking of Bristol, whither Prince 
Rupert, and such of the troops as he could bring with 
him, had retreated. It was during the siege that 
intelligence reached Cromwell of the King’s attack 
upon Huntingdon. Cromwell was too far away to 
render any assistance, and it must have been a severe 
disappointment to be thus deprived of rendering 
succour to the inhabitants of his native town. A 
curious letter has been preserved, in which is narrated 
what took place on this occasion. The King entered 
Huntingdon on August 27, and was accompanied by a 

R 2 


244 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

IX. 

-—,-' 

1645 


body of flying troops from the counties of North¬ 
ampton, Warwick, Stafford, and Salop, to the number 
of one thousand. 4 His Majesty,’ says this unknown 
correspondent, 4 entered the town on the sabbath- 
day, about five of the clock in the afternoon, 
and with much complimental bowing saluted his 
good friends the Royalists as he rode through the 
streets.’ 

The object of this royal visit was, however, soon 
made evident, being no other than that of plundering 
the inhabitants of all the money the King could get 
out of them. The mayor of Huntingdon and the two 
bailiffs of Godmanchester, a neighbouringhamlet, were 
commanded to 4 tax the said town at five shillings, ten 
shillings, and fifteen shillings a man a meane men,” 
and others at a far higher rate,’ which these worthies 
did right willingly, being Royalists, and presented the 
amount 4 in a lump ’ to his Majesty. For this service 
the mayor, with upwards of forty of the principal 
inhabitants, mostly Royalists, were rewarded by being 
carried off as prisoners along with the flying army, 
and a ransom from 20/. to 300/. a-piece set on their 
heads. 

The King, on his entry into the town, proclaimed 
4 no plunder’ on pain of death ; but the soldiers ‘fell to 
plundering many houses, and in every house where 
from twenty to thirty were billeted the owner was 
compelled to furnish horse-provender, man’s meat, 
and twelve pence a day to each soldier.’ 

Bristol was successfully stormed on September 10. 
So confident were the Royalists of their ability to hold 
this important position, that Rupert sent word to the 



SIEGE OF BRISTOL. 


245 


King he could hold out successfully for a period of chap. 
four months ; and yet, contrary to all expectation, the *— 
prince surrendered the city upon the first summons 
from General Fairfax. Cromwell wrote a long account 
of this success to the Speaker four days after, namely 
on September 14, wherein he says: 

4 Upon our advance the enemy fired Bedminster, 
Clifton, and some other villages lying near the city, 
and would have fired more if our unexpected coming 

had not hindered.The day and hour of our 

storm was appointed to be on Wednesday morning, 
September 10, about one of the clock. We chose 
to act it so early, because we hoped thereby to sur¬ 
prise the enemy. With this resolution also, to avoid 

confusion and falling foul upon one another. 

The general’s signal unto a storm was to be the firing 
of straw and discharging four pieces of cannon at 
Pryor’s Hill Fort. The signal was very well per¬ 
ceived of all; and truly the men went on with great 
resolution, and very presently recovered the Line, 
making way for the horse to enter. Colonel Monta¬ 
gue and Colonel Pickering presently entered, and 
with great resolution beat the enemy from their 
works, and possessed their cannon. They laid down 
the bridges for the horse to enter, Major Desborough 
commanding the horse, who very gallantly seconded 
the foot. Then our foot advanced to the city walls, 
where they possessed the gate against the Castle 
Street, whereinto were put a hundred men, w o 
made it good. Sir Hardress Waller, with his own and 
the general’s regiment, with no less resolution entered 
on the other side of Lawford’s Gate towards Avon 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


river, and put themselves into immediate conjunction 
with the rest of the brigade. 

4 During this Colonel Rainsborough and Colonel 
Hammond attempted Pryor’s Hill Fort and the Line 
downwards towards Frome; and the major-general’s 
regiment being to storm towards Frome river, Colonel 
Hammond possessed the Line immediately, and beating 
the enemy from it for the horse to enter. Colonel 
Rainsborough, who had the hardest task of all at 
Pryor’s Hill Fort, attempted it, and fought near three 
hours at it. And indeed there was great despair of 
carrying the place, it being exceedingly high, a ladder 
of thirty rounds scarcely reaching the top thereof; 
but his resolution was such that, notwithstanding the 
inaccessibleness and difficulty, he would not give it 
over. The enemy had four pieces of cannon upon it, 
which they plied with round and case-shot upon our 
men. Lieutenant-Colonel Bowen and others were 
two hours at push of pike, standing upon the palisa- 
does, but could not enter. [Meanwhile] Colonel 
Hammond entered the Line, and by means of this 
entrance they did storm the fort on that part which was 
inward, [when] Colonel Rainsborough’s and Colonel 
Hammond’s men entered, and immediately put almost 
all the men in it to the sword. 

4 As this was the place of most difficulty so [was it] 
of most loss to us and of very great honour to the 
undertaker. The horse did second them with great 

resolution.Major Bethel’s were the first horse 

that entered the Line, who did behave himself most 
gallantly, and was shot in the thigh and had his horse 
shot under him. 


SIEGE OF BlilSTOL. 


247 


‘ By this, all the Line from Pryor’s Hill Fort to 
Avon, which was a full mile, with all the forts, ord¬ 
nance, and bulwarks, were possessed by us; save one, 
wherein were about 220 men of the enemy, which the 
general summoned, and all the men submitted. 

4 The success on Colonel Weldon’s side did not 
answer with this: and although the colonels and other 
the officers and soldiers, both horse and foot, testified 
as much resolution as could be expected, yet what by 
reason of the height of the works, which proved 
higher than report made them, and the shortness of 
the ladders, they were repulsed with the loss of a 
hundred men. 

4 Being possessed of thus much as hath been related, 
the town was fired in three places by the enemy, 
which we could not put out, which begat a great 
trouble in the general and us all; fearing to see so 
famous a city burnt to ashes before our faces. Whilst 
we were viewing so sad a spectacle, and consulting 
which way to make further advantage of our success, 
the prince sent a trumpet to the general to desire a 
treaty for the surrender of the town; to which the 
general agreed, and deputed Colonel Montague, 
Colonel Kainsborough, and Colonel Pickering, for that 
service; authorising them with instructions to treat 
and conclude the articles, which are these enclosed. 

4 On Thursday about two of the clock in the after¬ 
noon the prince marched out, having a convoy of two 
regiments of horse from us, and making election of 
Oxford for the place he would go to, which he had 
liberty to do by his articles. The cannon which we 
have taken are about a hundred and forty mounted, 


CHAP. 

IX. 


1645 



248 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, about a hundred barrels of powder, with a good 
—^—' quantity of shot, ammunition, and arms. We have 
found already between two and three thousand mus¬ 
kets. The Royal Fort had victual in it for 150 men, 
for 320 days. The castle victualled for nearly half so 
long. The prince had in foot of the garrison, as the 
mayor of the city informed me, 2,500, and about 1,000 
horse, besides the train-bands of the town, and aux¬ 
iliaries 1,000, some say 1,500. . . . We had not killed 
of ours in the storm, nor in all the siege, 200 men. 

4 Thus have I given you a true but not a full 
account of this great business ; wherein he that runs 
may read; that all this is none other than the work of 
God, he must be a very Atheist that doth not acknow¬ 
ledge it. It may be thought that some praises are 
due to those gallant men of whose valour so much 
mention is made; their humble suit to you is, that in 
the remembrance of God’s praises they be forgotten. 
It’s their joy that they are instruments of God’s glory 
and their country’s good. It’s their honour that God 
vouchsafes to use them. Sir, they that have been 
employed in this service know that faith and prayer 
obtained this city for you. I do not say ours only, 
but of the people of God with you, and all England 
who have wrestled with God for a blessing in this very 
thing. Our desires are, that God may be glorified by 
the same spirit of faith by which we ask all our 
sufficiency and have received it. It is meet that He 
have all the praise. Presbyterians, Independents, all 
here have the same spirit of faith and prayer; the 
same presence and answer; they agree here, have no 
names of difference! pity it is it should be otherwise 


DISGRACE OF PRINCE RUPERT. 


249 


anywhere. All that believe have the real unity which chap. 
is most glorious, because inward and spiritual in the '—-A- 
body and to the head. For, being united in forms 
commonly called uniformity, every Christian will for 
peace sake study and do as far as conscience will 
permit. And for brethren, in things of the mind we 
look for no compulsion, but that of light and reason. 

In other things God hath put the sword in the 
Parliament’s hands for the terror of evil-doers and the 
praise of them that do well. If any plead exemption 
from that, he knows not the Gospel. If any would 
wring that out of your hands, or steal it from you 
under what pretence soever, I hope they shall do it 
without effect.’ 

Bristol, on being taken possession of by the Par¬ 
liamentary army, was found in a most deplorable 
condition; ‘more resembling a prison than a city/ 
remarks one who saw it at the time. The people were 
poor in habit and dejected in countenance; the streets 
were filthy, and so were the houses; the taxation and 
pillage by the prince and his 5,000 troops had brought 
this state of things to pass during the period they 
had held possession. 

Great was the indignation of the King when the 
news reached him of the surrender. He wrote a 
most stinging letter to the Prince from Hereford, as 
follows:— 

c Nephew, —Though the loss of Bristol be a great 
blow to me, yet your surrendering it as you did is of 
so much affliction to me that it makes me not only 
forget the consideration of that place, but is likewise 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


the greatest trial of my constancy that hath yet 
befallen me; for what is to be done after one that is 
so near me as you are, both in blood and friendship, 
submit himself to so mean an action? I give it the 
easiest term. I have so much to say that I will say 
no more about it, only lest rashness of judgment be 
laid to my charge. I must remember you of your 
letter of August 12, whereby you assured me that, if 
no mutiny happened, you would keep Bristol for four 
months. Did you keep it four days? More questions 
might be asked, but now, I confess, to little purpose. 
My conclusion is, to desire you to seek your sub¬ 
sistence (until it shall please God to determine of my 
condition) somewhere beyond seas; to which end I 
send you herewith a pass, and pray God to make you 
sensible of your present condition, and give you means 
to redeem what you have lost, for I shall have no 
greater joy in a victory than a just occasion, without 
blushing, to assure you of my being 

4 Your loving Uncle and most faithful friend, 

4 C. R.’ 

Rupert proceeded to defend himself by publishing 
an account of the whole transaction. He also de¬ 
manded a court-martial, which was accordingly held 
at Newark some weeks later, when he was acquitted. 

The first civil war was now nearly at an end. 
Excepting the extreme south-west of the kingdom, the 
King had no forces in the field; but in many isolated 
castles and strongholds the bold barons and their 
retainers still offered resistance, which required all the 
vigour and enterprise of the Parliamentary generals 



CROMWELL BEFORE WINCHESTER. 

to subdue. On September 28 Cromwell, accompanied 
by some troops, appeared before Winchester. 

‘1 came to Winchester on the Lord’s day,’ he 
writes to Sir Thomas Fairfax, 4 with Colonel Pickering 
commanding his own, Colonel Montague’s, and Sir 
Hardress Waller’s regiments. After some dispute 
with the governor, we entered the town. I summoned 
the castle; was denied ; whereupon we fell to pre¬ 
pare batteries, which we could not perfect until 
Friday following. Our battery was six guns, which 
being finished, after firing one round, I sent in a 
second summons for a treaty, which they refused: 
whereupon we went on with our work, and made a 
breach in the wall near the Black Tower; which after 
about 200 shot we thought practicable, and purposed 
on Monday morning to attempt it. On Sunday night, 
about ten of the clock, the governor beat a parley, 
desiring to treat. I agreed unto it, and sent Colonel 
Hammond and Major Harrison in to him, who agreed 
upon these enclosed articles. 

4 Sir, this is the addition of another mercy. You 
see God is not weary in doing you good. I confess, 
Sir, His favour to you is as visible when He comes by 
His power upon the hearts of your enemies, making 
them quit places of strength to you, as when He gives 
courage to your soldiers to attempt hard things. His 
goodness in this is much to be acknowledged, for the 
castle was well manned with 680 horse and foot, there 
being near 200 gentlemen, officers, and their servants; 
well victualled with fifteen hundredweight of cheese, 
very great store of wheat and beer, near twenty 
barrels of powder, and seven pieces of cannon. The 


251 

CHAP. 



1645 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


works were exceedingly good and strong. It’s very 
likely it would have cost much blood to have gained 
it by storm. We have not lost twelve men. This is 
repeated to you that God may have all the praise, for 
it’s all His due.’ 

There is mentioned a striking trait of Cromwell’s 
vigour in punishing plunderers on this occasion. 
Some townsmen having complained of being plun¬ 
dered contrary to the articles of capitulation, he 
caused the soldiers suspected to be arrested and tried 
by court-martial, when all were found guilty and 
sentenced to be hanged. Instead, however, of 
carrying out the sentence, he marched them under 
guard to the head-quarters of the enemy at Oxford, 
to be there disposed of. This act was politely ac¬ 
knowledged by the governor of Oxford, who strait¬ 
way remitted them back to Cromwell, with thankful 
acknowledgments for this proof of his determination to 
discourage oppression or plunder towards the weak 
and defenceless, whether friend or foe. 

Hugh Peters, who was present at the siege in the 
two-fold capacity of chaplain and secretary, was the 
bearer of a letter from Cromwell to the Parliament, 
and when called upon by the House, gave a verbal 
account of the matter, wherein he says:— 4 When I look 
upon the two chiefs of our army (Fairfax and Crom¬ 
well) I remember Gustave Adolphus and Oxenstein, 
and I wish that our hopes in these may not be so 
short-lived as the German hopes in them were. The 
Lord’s day,’ he continued, 4 we spent in praying whilst 

our gunners were battering.The Bishop of 

Winchester desired of me a guard to his lodging, 


SACK OF BASING HOUSE. 

lest the soldiers should use violence to him and his 
chaplain; and he was accordingly safely convoyed to 
his homed 

For this good news the Commons voted the sum 
of 50 1. to the bearer, Hugh Peters. 

A week later the conquest of another and more 
important place than that of Winchester Castle 
occurred, namely, Basing House. This stronghold had 
caused great annoyance to the citizens of London by 
the garrison preventing the transmission of their 
merchandise between the coast and the metropolis. 
Those picturesque ruins the traveller sees from the 
windows of the railway carriage when nearing Ba¬ 
singstoke bear unmistakable evidence of the rough 
usage received from Cromwell on October 14, 1645. 
Oliver’s report was sent the same day to the Speaker, 
as follows:— 

1 1 thank God! I can give you a good account of 
Basing. After our batteries were placed, we settled 
the several posts for the storm. Colonel Dalbier was 
to he on the north side of the house, next the Grange ; 
Colonel Pickering on his left hand; and Sir Hardress 
Waller’s and Colonel Montague’s regiments next him. 
We stormed this morning after six of the clock; the 
signal for falling on was the firing four of our cannon, 
which being done, our men fell on with great resolu¬ 
tion and cheerfulness. We took the two houses 
without any considerable loss to ourselves. Colonel 
Pickering stormed the new house, passed through 
and got the new gate of the old house, whereupon 
they summoned a parley, which our men would not 
hear. 


253 


CHAP. 

IX. 

-,- 

1645 



LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


1 In the meantime Colonel Montague’s and Sir 
Hardress Waller’s regiments assaulted the strong 
work, where the enemy kept his court of guard, 
which with great resolution they recovered, beating 
the enemy from a whole culverin, and from that work; 
which having done, they drew their ladders after them, 
and got over another work and the house wall before 
they could enter. In this Sir Hardress Waller, per¬ 
forming his duty with honour and diligence, was shot 
in the arm, but not dangerously. 

c We have had little loss. Many of the enemy our 
men put to the sword, and some officers of quality; 
most of the rest we have prisoners, amongst whom 
the Marquis of Winchester himself, and Sir Robert 
Peake, with divers other officers, whom I have ordered 
to be sent up to you. We have taken about ten 
pieces of ordnance, with much ammunition, and our 
soldiers a good encouragement. 

4 1 humbly offer to you to have this place utterly 
slighted [i.e. dismantled] for these following reasons. 
It will ask [require] about 800 men to manage it; 
it is no frontier; the country is poor about it; the 
place exceedingly ruined by our batteries and mortar- 
pieces, and by a fire which fell upon the place since 
our taking it. If you please to take the garrison at 
Farnham, some out of Chichester, and a good part 
of the foot which were here under Dalbier, and to 
make a strong quarter at Newbury with three or 
four troops of horse, I dare be confident it would 
not only be a curb to Donnington, but a security and 
a frontier to all these parts; inasmuch as Newbury 
lies upon the river, and will prevent any incursion 


SACK OF BASING HOUSE. 


255 


from Donnington, Wallingford, or Farringdon, into chap. 
these parts ; and by lying there will make the trade *—in¬ 
most secure between Bristol and London for all 
carriages. • And I believe the gentlemen of Sussex 
and Hampshire will, with more cheerfulness, con¬ 
tribute to maintain a garrison on the frontier than in 
the bowels, which will have less safety in it. . . . 

4 The Lord grant that these mercies may be 
acknowledged with all thankfulness. God exceed¬ 
ingly abounds in His goodness to us, and will not be 
weary until righteousness and peace meet, and until 
He hath brought forth a glorious work for the happi¬ 
ness of this poor kingdom/ 

Colonel Hammond brought this letter to the Parlia¬ 
ment, and was rewarded, as was customary in those 
days, by the handsome donation of 200/. Hugh 
Peters also accompanied him, and, at the request 
of the Speaker, related all he knew of the siege. 

4 The house/ he says, 4 was provisioned to last for 
years rather than for months. 400 quarters of wheat 
in the cellars, and the dining-room full of bacon, 
to say nothing of the cheese, oatmeal, beef, pork, 
beer, &c.’ 

The furniture in one of the bed-rooms was esti¬ 
mated to have cost 1,300/. 4 In truth,’ said he, 4 the 

house stood in its full pride, and the enemy was 
fully persuaded that it would be the last piece of 
ground that would be taken by the Parliament, 
because they had so often foiled our forces which had 
formerly appeared before it. . . . 

4 There were slain seventy-four persons in the 
several rooms of the house, and only one woman, who 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


by her railing provoked onr soldiers, then in heat, into 
a further passion. The soldiers were permitted to 
sell the wheat to the country-people, who fetched it 
away in carts and hand-barrows. The furniture in 
like manner was disposed of piece-meal; stools, chairs, 
tables, all found willing purchasers; not an iron bar 
or bit of lead was left in all the windows ; by the 
following Thursday morning not a gutter remained 
about the premises, for what the soldiers left the fire 
devoured, so that nothing but bare walls was to be 
seen twenty hours after the capture.’ 

Cromwell’s letter was ordered by the Commons to 
be read on the Sunday following from every pulpit 
in the land, and a day of thanksgiving appointed by 
the Parliament. 

Meanwhile Fairfax with the army marched towards 
the west of England, the only point where open resis¬ 
tance may be said to have assumed any pretensions to 
that of an organized force. Nor was Cromwell slow 
in his movements towards a similar point of the 
compass. Three days after the storming of Basing 
House he appeared before Langford House, in the 
neighbourhood of Salisbury. ‘ I sent the governor a 
summons,’ [he is writing to the Speaker] ‘who 
desired I should send two officers to treat with him, 
and I accordingly appointed Lieutenant-Colonel Hew- 
son and Major Kelley thereunto. The treaty produced 
the agreement which I have enclosed to you.’ 

Cromwell’s name now struck a panic into the hearts 
of all who offered to oppose the Parliamentary forces. 
Wherever he appeared resistance seemed useless, and 
the terror he inspired far exceeded all that his military 



CONCLUSION OF THE CAMPAIGN. 


257 


skill, could accomplish. The Parliament meanwhile, chap. 

ix. 

in recognition of his services, voted him the thanks '—V— 

1646 

of the two Houses, a barony, and an estate worth 
2,500Z. a year. 

The conclusion of the campaign in the west was 
disastrous to the Royalists. Their army, which the 
young Prince Charles had got together and reformed, 
was forced to retreat into Cornwall, where it was 
broken and scattered by the victorious Parliamentary 
generals. Prince Charles fled to the Sciliy Islands, 
leaving General Hop ton to make the best terms he 
could for the remainder of the Royalists forces, who 
were obliged to capitulate in the March following. 

Exeter surrendered on April 9, and a fortnight 
later King Charles withdrew in disguise from his 
English adherents; and, after encountering many 
dangers and difficulties, succeeded in reaching the 
Scottish army under Montrose. 


258 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

X. 


1646 


CHAPTER X. 

England at the Close of the first Civil War'—Policy of the Royalists— 
The King decides on trusting Himself with the Scots—His Reasons 
for taking this Step explained to the Parliament—His Majesty’s Re¬ 
ception—Alarm in London on receipt of this Intelligence—The King 
accompanies the Scottish Army to Newcastle—Cromwell returns to 
London—Marriage of his Daughter Bridget to Ireton—Cromwell re¬ 
sides in Drury Lane—His Letter to Mrs. Claypole—Proposals for 
Peace rejected by the King—Negotiations between the Scots and the 
Parliament for the Surrender of the King concluded—Popular Outcry 
for the Disbandment of the Army—Their Complaints of Arrears and 
other Grievances neglected—First Instalment paid to the Scots’ Army 
-—A Significant Coincidence of Dates—Religious Restraint put upon 
the King whilst with the Scots—Surrender of His Majesty to the 
Parliamentary Commissioners, and Journey to Holmby House—Review 
of the Political Chess-board at this Period—Parliamentary Neglect in 
providing for the Requirements of the Army a principal Cause of 
Hostility shown to Presbyterianism by the latter—The Policy of the 
King in seeking to bring into collision the two Parties—Relative 
Position of the English Presbyterians and the Army—Members of 
Parliament required to conform to the Solemn League and Covenant 
—Episcopalian Clergymen excluded from their Pulpits—Destruction 
of Ecclesiastical Property—Archbishop Usher allowed a Small Pension 
—Neglect of Religion, and Coercive Measures enforced by Parliament 
for its better Observance—The Code of Faith, called the Westminster 
Confession, presented to Parliament and adopted—Opposition in several 
Places to the Suppression of old Observances—The Coercive Policy a 
Mistake—Difficulties in the way of judging a past Age by the Light 
of a subsequent one. 

Before proceeding with this narrative, let us pause 
for a few moments to survey the position of England 
at this eventful period of the seventeenth century. 
Charles the First had been conquered by his own 
subjects, in a contest which had lasted four years. 
The first civil w T ar was now over. That great political 
and military struggle had for the time being come 
to an end from the sheer inability in one of the belli- 



DEPLORABLE STATE OF ENGLAND. 


259 


gerents to prolong it, and pastoral England bore the chap. 
destructive evidences thereof stamped in indelible >— 
characters upon all her borders. Scarcely could a 
family be found throughout the length and breadth of 
the land who had not to mourn the absence of one or 
more from the old friendly circle; few indeed whom 
death or antagonism had not widely, if not irrevocably 
separated. A collapse of no ordinary character had 
overtaken society in all its ramifications, social, 
political, and religious, which years alone could 
modify or ameliorate. The demon of party strife had 
triumphed. The tenderest ties had been suddenly and 
violently snapped asunder, and there was left in its 
stead the burning thirst for revenge in the breast of 
the oppressed and the oppressor, the conquered and the 
conqueror alike. The peaceful avocations of every¬ 
day life had long been suspended by an entire popula¬ 
tion, which had embraced one side or other in the 
great struggle. The agricultural labourer had deserted 
the plough and become a soldier; the farmer or yeoman 
was now a member of some cavalry regiment; and the 
county squire a military officer. The land remained 
untilled, and the few looms the country could boast of 
no longer found willing and cunning hands to work 
them. Mill-streams had for the most part become 
stagnant pools, and commerce had flown to other and 
more congenial lands, where peace and order, instead 
of confusion and anarchy, governed the destinies of 
mankind. 

The King’s prospects had of late become exceeding 
gloomy. The spring of 1646 found the monarch in 
possession of but few towns or strongholds, and those, 

s 2 


260 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, with one or two exceptions, of only secondary im- 
—F—' portance. The victorious Parliamentary generals had 
scattered and broken the Royalist troops on all sides, 
and their last stronghold of any importance was now 
being surrounded by the troops of Fairfax. Oxford, 
so long their head-quarters, offered no longer a tenable 
position. All hope of foreign aid, either in men, 
money, or materials, had long since disappeared. At 
best there was but a choice of evils which presented 
itself to the desponding Cavaliers. Could the King 
have escaped to the sea coast, and so to France, 
he might, by so doing, have saved his own life and 
with it possibly the monarchy; but such a step on his 
part would have been none other than a virtual ab¬ 
dication of the throne; and, desperate as were his 
Majesty’s fortunes, this alternative had never for a 
moment been entertained. 

It is very questionable if Charles at this present 
moment fully realised his position: otherwise there is 
no solution which at all accounts for the blind infatu¬ 
ation he displayed in his pertinacious refusal of all 
overtures of peace unless the divine right of kings 
to tax their subjects without their consent formed an 
important and recognised feature. 

His one object, conspicuous throughout, had been 
to gain time by resorting to all sorts of delays, in the 
hope and anticipation that the Presbyterians and the 
Independents would in the end quarrel, and fight it 
out between themselves. In that event the two 
factions would probably be obliged to seek his aid as 
arbitrator, or the victor would fall an easy prey to 
the army of the Cavaliers. 



PERPLEXITY OE THE KING. 


261 


There were three courses which appeared to present chap. 
themselves to the mind of the King in his present >— 
emergency. He had the choice of three powerful 1646 
parties to select from to whom he could fly for refuge 
and protection. There was the governing body at 
Westminster, who had been his bitter enemies, the 
source of all his troubles, and the cause of all his 
failures; there was the English Parliamentary army 
under Fairfax, in whose ranks were to be found the 
men of all others he thought most to be avoided, and 
to whose influence he rightly ascribed the cause of 
most, if not all, the disasters he had met with in the 
field, namely the Independents; and lastly, there was 
the Scotch Presbyterian army in the north, under 
General Leven. The choice, in fact, lay between the 
former and the latter alternative; for towards his foes 
in arms, the Independents, whose power of late he had 
so severely felt, there was no sympathy or attraction. 

Nor is it difficult to understand the motives which 
ultimately guided his selection. To a mind strongly 
imbued with religous views, such as they were, and 
habitually trainedf to look upon the Church of Eng¬ 
land as a necessary and fundamental element in the 
constitution, he was at a loss to account for the 
sudden change which had come over the English 
nation on this important point; nor could he see or 
understand the causes which had assisted to bring 
about this (to him ) unaccountable catastrophe. Presby¬ 
terianism among the Scots he could understand; nation¬ 
ally it was a legitimate sequence of their Reformation, 
as Episcopacy had been equally so with the English; 
but the exterminating hatred latterly exhibited 


262 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

X. 

1646 


against the Church of England, in consequence of 
extreme ritualism, which the Parliamentarians had 
recently so successfully displayed, presented to the 
mind of the King a grave cause for fear and mistrust. 
It is true he had latterly professed a great desire to 
go to London for the openly alleged purpose of 
discussing conditions of peace; but up to the last 
moment before setting out on his flight from Oxford, 
so much was it a matter of indecision whither he 
should direct his steps, that those around him, who 
were most intimate in his councils, were unable to 
discover to what conclusion he had arrived. 

If any doubts existed as to the real object the King 
had in joining the Scottish army, he himself furnishes 
the solution in a private letter written from Oxford 
to the Marquis of Ormond in Ireland on April 27. 

4 Our intention is/ he writes to that nobleman, 4 to 
put ourselves to the hazard of passing into the Scots’ 
army now lying before Newark, in order to procure 
a happy and well-grounded peace with their assistance, 
and with the conjunction of the forces under the 
Marquis of Montrose, and such well-aflected subjects 
of England as shall rise for us.’ Yet a few days 
later, namely, on May 18, he wrote to the two Houses 
of Parliament, giving quite another reason for this 
step. 4 Understanding/ he says in this letter, 4 that it is 
not safe to come to London, and the [Parliamentary] 
army’s march fast on Oxford, he had come hither 
only to secure his own person, and with no intention 
of continuing the war.’ 

What clearer proof of the King’s duplicity than is 
contained in this latter sentence can be furnished ? 


his majesty’s flight from oxford. 


263 


IIis Majesty goes on to say, that as religion is the chap. 
1 first desire of himself and his subjects, he will take >—A— 
the advice of the divines assembled at Westminster.’ 

As to the militia, he will 4 agree to whatever was settled 
at the treaty of Uxbridge;’ and, in the matter of 
Ireland, he will give 4 full satisfaction, and do what¬ 
ever is possible.’ 4 If these be not satisfactory,’ he 
adds, 4 he will comply with Parliament in everything.’ 

He also consents to 4 disband his forces at Oxford.’ 

This communication was followed three weeks later 
by another message, written from Newcastle, wherein 
he desires that he may have permission to come to 
London with safety, freedom, and honour, and ex¬ 
presses his willingness to comply with the Parliament 
in everything that may be for the good of his subjects. 

As an earnest of his Majesty’s good intentions, the 
garrisons of Oxford, Lichfield, Worcester, and Wal¬ 
lingford, were ordered to be surrendered to the Par¬ 
liament. This, however, be it remembered, was after 
further resistance had become hopeless. His real mo¬ 
tives for wishing to visit London are best displayed 
in a private letter to Digby, in which his Majesty 
concludes with the following pithy sentence: 4 Being 
not without hope that I shall be able so to draw either 
the Presbyterians or the Independents to side with me 
for extirpating one another , then I shall be really king 
again.’ 

But let us now see what kind of a reception the 
King met with from the Scots’ army. His journey 
had not been a very happy or encouraging one. It 
appears his Majesty left Oxford on horseback at mid¬ 
night, on April 27, in company with Dr. Hudson and 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


Mr. Ashburnham, the latter riding behind with the 
cloak-bag, in the capacity of a servant. They got on 
tolerably well at first, passing through Henley-on- 
Thames, Brendford, and Harrow-on-the-Hill, until 
they came near to St. Alban’s, where they were 
overtaken by a person riding swiftly as if in pursuit, 
to the no small alarm of the King; the man proved, 
however, to be only a drunken fellow on horseback. 
It had been previously arranged that at Market-Har- 
borough the French agent, Monsieur Montriel, w r as to 
meet them, in order to conduct his Majesty to the 
Scots’ army; but on reaching that town no French 
agent was there, so they rode on to Stamford, and 
stayed during the night. The next day they pro¬ 
ceeded to Downham, and remained until the following 
Monday; Hudson, in the meantime, going in search 
of Montriel, who was at length discovered at Southam. 
It is related that, whilst at Downham, the King went 
into a barber’s shop to get his beard trimmed. Whilst 
this was being done, the barber, noticing the un¬ 
professional state of that appendage, remarked that 
c whosoever had trimmed his beard the last time he was 
much to blame for the manner he had done it,’ little 
dreaming whose beard he was trimming. Most proba¬ 
bly the King’s own hands had last performed that office, 
having operated thus the better to escape detection. 

On the Monday, accompanied by Montriel and a 
troop of horse, his Majesty proceeded to join the 
Scotch army, reaching it on the 5th, without further 
delay or mishap. 

It would appear, from the following letter written 
by the Scots’ general, Leven, the day after the King’s 


CONSTERNATION IN LONDON. 


arrival, that his Majesty’s visit had neither been 
sought or expected by the Presbyterian army:— 

4 To the Committee of both Kingdoms. 

4 The King came to our army yesterday, in so pri¬ 
vate a way, that after we had made search for him 
we could not find him out. His coming was matter 
of much astonishment to us . . . Trusting to our 
integrity, we do persuade ourselves that none will so 
far misconstrue us as that we intended to make use 
of this seeming advance for promoting any other 
ends then are expressed in the Covenant. We seek 
your Lordships’ advice/ 

The news of the King’s arrival rapidly spread 
throughout the kingdom, and caused great con¬ 
sternation. It was known in London twenty-four 
hours after, and on the same evening a vote was 
passed in the House, ordering the King to be sent to 
Warwick Castle, and those who had accompanied 
him in his flight to be delivered to the Serjeant-at- 
arms as delinquents. A resolution to that effect was 
duly forwarded to General Leven; but the Scots 
knew full well what they were about, and the mer¬ 
cantile value of the prize so unexpectedly come into 
their possession. They were not, therefore, to be ca¬ 
joled into giving up their prisoner in obedience to 
any vote or order the Parliament might pass, without 
the necessary quid pro quo , as will be seen hereafter. 
Their co-operation in the war had so far been a great 
pecuniary loss to themselves; the promised funds 
had not been sent, for the exhausted state of the ex- 


266 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, chequer had hitherto prevented the Parliament from 
-—f—' fulfilling that part of the contract. They had now 
got substantial security for the debt; of its value 
none knew better than the cannie inhabitants north 
of the Tweed. The better to secure their good for¬ 
tune, it was decided that a march northward should 
be immediately put into execution, so soon as matters 
in their immediate vicinity were settled. Newark 
had held out for the King since November; but the 
noble defence of Lord Belasyse, the governor, and 
his brave troops, was now rendered useless and 
all in vain by the monarch on whose behalf they had 
so succesfully resisted, and negotiations for its sur¬ 
render were to triumph over what military strategy 
had failed to conquer. Charles at first hesitated to 
the terms proposed. He had no objection to order 
the surrender to the Scottish general, but demurred 
to including the English Parliament, in whose name 
it was also stipulated. It was urged, however, in 
reply, that as the two nations were one in action, 
such a distinction could not be recognized, and 
Charles was obliged to submit. 

A few days later the Scottish army moved north¬ 
wards, arriving at Newcastle on May 13. 

The King was the guest of General Leven, and 
continued during the next twelve months at the head¬ 
quarters of the Scots’ general. 

It would seem that Cromwell, after the King’s 
flight, remained with the army before Oxford only a 
short time ; for the war being over, his presence 
at St. Stephen’s was deemed of more importance 
than that of remaining with the general. Before, 



IRETON MARRIES BRIDGET CROMWELL. 


267 


however, taking his departure, an interesting do- chap. 
mestic incident occurred : namely, the marriage of "—■— 

_ i n i n 

his eldest daughter, Bridget, with Ireton, the hero of 
Naseby. A year and a day had expired since that 
memorable and decisive battle. It will be recollected 
that Ireton, who commanded the left wing of the 
Parliamentary army, was overwhelmed by the charge 
of the Royalists led by Prince Rupert; and after 
being wounded in the thigh, his horse shot under 
him, and another wound in the face, he was taken 
prisoner, but effected his escape towards the close of 
the battle, when the fortune of the day had declared 
in favour of the Parliamentarians. The marriage took 
place at the residence of General Fairfax, five miles 
from Oxford, on Monday, June 15. A week later 
Ireton’s antagonist, Prince Rupert, had become a fugi¬ 
tive retreating to the sea-coast, all hope in the Royalist 
cause being at an end, the treaty for the surrender of 
Oxford having been signed on the Saturday previous. 

Ireton, who belonged to a respectable Nottingham¬ 
shire family, was fast rising into fame and distinction. 

He had been appointed Commissary-General to Fair¬ 
fax ; in great favour at head-quarters ; and now, by 
his marriage into Cromwell’s family, soon obtained 
political distinction, and represented the borough of 
Appleby in Parliament. 

Cromwell, on arriving in town, took up his resi¬ 
dence in the then fashionable quarter of Drury Lane. 

A few months later he migrated westward, and re¬ 
moved to King Street, Westminster. It is generally 
supposed that he was joined by his wife and family 
at. the latter abode. There are but few letters to be 



268 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, met with of his at this period, and those are not of 
—W—- much general interest. They are chiefly letters of 
1646 introduction or recommendation to the general on 
behalf of young men he wished to serve. He appears 
to have corresponded with Fairfax frequently, and to 
have kept that general au fait with the leading events 
of the day. In one, dated August 10, allusion is 
made to the King at Newcastle, as follows :— 

c Our Commissioners sent to the King came this 
night to London. I have spoken with two of them, 
and can only learn these generals [particulars], that 
there appears a good inclination in the Scots to the 
rendition of our towns, and to their march out of the 
kingdom. ... The King gave a very general answer. 
Things are not well in Scotland ; would they were in 
England. We are full of faction, and worse.’ 

Cromwell’s second daughter, Elizabeth, who had 
been married to Claypole a few months before her 
sister Bridget’s marriage, was the most beloved by 
him of all his daughters. These two events happening 
so closely together probably contributed to break up 
the family circle at Ely, and doubtless reconciled both 
the mother and the wife of Cromwell to the change 
of residence they were called upon to make. The 
outpouring of the father’s heart for the welfare of his 
children is evidenced in the following letter, written 
from London by Cromwell to Bridget, in October of 
this year. Elizabeth was live years younger than 
her sister Bridget. 

c Dear Daughter,— I write not to thy husband, 
partly to avoid trouble, for one word of mine begets 




Cromwell’s residence in London. 


269 


many of his, which I doubt makes him sit up too chap. 
late. . . . Your friends at Ely are well. Your sister >—Y—' 
Claypole is, I trust in mercy, exercised with some 
perplexed * thoughts ; she sees her own vanity and 
carnal mind, bewailing it. She seeks after, as I hope 
also, what will satisfy ; and thus to be a seeker is to 
be of the best next to a finder, and such an one 
shall every faithful humble seeker be at the end— 
happy seeker, happy finder. Whoever tasted that 
the Lord is gracious without some sense of self¬ 
vanity and badness ? Whoever that graciousness of 
His and could go less in desire—less in pressing after 
full enjoyment ? Dear heart, press on! Let not 
husband, let not anything, cool thy affections after 
Christ. I hope he will be an occasion to inflame 
them. That which is best worthy of love in thy 
husband is that of the image of Christ he bears: look 
on that and love it best, and all the rest for that. I 
pray for him and thee ; do so for me. My service 
and dear affection to the general and generaless. I 
hear she is very kind to thee : it adds to all other 
obligations. 

4 I am thy dear Father, 

4 Oliver Cromwell.’ 

That Cronrwell loved and esteemed his new son- 
in-law for something that he saw in him beyond 
what merely related to military excellence, is evi¬ 
denced from what he here writes. Indeed Ireton 
was a deeply earnest, simple-minded, religious man, 
and one who carried his religion with him into 
all the relations of life; a man of prayer, fervent, 



270 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, consistent, and genuine in all his friendships, beloved 

—— r ~—' and respected by all with whom he came in contact. 

1545 ^ * 

Heath, in his 4 Flagellum,’ a violently prejudiced 
witness, has declared that Ireton was 4 absolutely the 
best prayer maker and preacher in the army, for 
which,’ says he, 4 he may thank his education at 
Oxford; though Oliver came but little behind him.’ 
But concludes Heath, 4 It was all one to the soldiers, 
who had nothing else to do than to prey and to pray.’ 

The next two months were occupied by the Par¬ 
liament in preparing their proj:>osals of peace, which, 
after being submitted to the Scottish Commissioners 
in London, and approved of by them, were forwarded 
to Newcastle for the King’s acceptance on July 11. 
As these terms were refused on August 1 following, 
it may be curious briefly to recite the principal items, 
in order to show the relative position of each party, 
and the future footing on which the dominant faction 
at Westminster were willing to reinstate the monarch 
on the throne. All past attainders and outlawries 
were to be null and void. The Solemn League and 
Covenant to be accepted pure and simple. The hier¬ 
archy to be abolished in toto , and the Westminster 
Assembly of Divines, or dry-vines, as Lilburne jocosely 
called them, confirmed in their office. Statutes against 
popery and pluralities were to be enacted and au¬ 
thorised. The Parliament to have sole control for 
twenty years over the army and navy. Exceptions 
to a general pardon were to be made against those 
members who had deserted the Parliament at West¬ 
minster, or of any persons who had borne arms 
against the Parliament, or who had been concerned in 


PEACE PROPOSALS REFUSED BY THE KING. 


271 


assisting the Irish rebels ; and the estates of such chap. 

O ' -^r 

persons were to be sold, and the proceeds paid into - 
the public exchequer. The militia placed under the 
control of the Lord Mayor. Charters were to be 
confirmed; and finally, the appointment of Lieutenant 
of the Tower to rest with the corporation of the city 
of London. 

The English Commissioners returned with the 
King’s answer, as we have seen, on August 10. It 
must have been slow travelling in those times, when 
ten days were required to bring an important message 
from Newcastle to London. ‘I never can conde¬ 
scend,’ said the King in this document, ‘ to what is 
absolutely destructive to that just power which by 
the laws of God and the land I was born unto; but I 
will cheerfully grant and give my consent to all such 
Bills as shall be for the good and peace of my 
people, not having regard to my own in particular.’ 

This refusal simplified matters very considerably 
with the Scots, who were now convinced that Charles 
would never give his consent to the introduction in 
England of the Solemn League and Covenant. They 
were, therefore, the more willing to discuss with the 
Parliament the terms on which their army should 
retire, and the surrender of the King to the English 
Commissioners. The possession of the King’s person 
proved of great advantage in urging their exorbitant 
pecuniary demands. Two millions sterling was the 
modest sum they at first claimed, nominally under 
the plea of arrears, but substantially as the price of 
the commodity they had to sell. This sum, after 
some negotiation, was cut down to 400,000/.; half to 


272 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, be paid in advance, and the rest at a more con- 
— r ~—' venient season. 

1G46 . . 

The English Presbyterians were now in a fair way 
of accomplishing their designs, which were the pos¬ 
session of the King’s person, the riddance of the 
Scots, and the disbandment of their own army. The 
two first were all but achieved, and no serious difficulty 
seemed to present itself to the success of the latter. 
In this, however, they were not a little out of their 
reckoning, as will be seen hereafter. More patient 
and abiding, the English army under Fairfax at Not¬ 
tingham, with its plotters and schemers, narrowly 
watched these proceedings. Meanwhile Cromwell 
was not idle in Parliament, where his emissaries were 
actively employed in sounding the members and re¬ 
porting the results to Oliver, who in his turn informed 
I reton, his son-in-law, how matters were going on. 
Nor were there wanting materials at hand for success¬ 
ful agitation in the army, whenever, as soon happened, 
occasion served ; for no sooner had the Scots’ nego¬ 
tiations come to a favourable issue than the cry arose, 
1 Disband the army ! ’ The citizens of London were 
specially emphatic and outspoken in this matter. 

‘We have had,’ says Cromwell, in a letter to Sir 
Thomas Fairfax, written on December 21, ‘a very 
long petition from the City : how it strikes at the 
army, and what other aims it has, you will see by the 
contents of it, as also what is the prevailing temper 
at this present, and what is to be expected from 
men. But this is our comfort, [that] God is in 
heaven, and He doth what pleaseth Him. His, and 
only His, counsel shall stand, whatsoever the designs 
of men and the fury of the people be.’ 



ARMY GRIEVANCES. 


273 


The principal grievances complained of by the chap. 
English army, now composed for the most part of —Y— 
Independents, were arrears of pay, the Presbyterian 
ascendency in the House of Commons, and the hostility 
shown towards them on the part of the King. It 
will shortly be seen to what purpose these were 
made subservient by the Commander-in-Chief and 
the principal officers. In the meantime the exertions 
of the Parliament were concentrated on fulfilling the 
pecuniary contract entered into with the Scots. It 
was not until the close of the year that the sum 
required could be got together; and, on December 16, 
some troops under General Skippon convoyed the 
first instalment to them at Newcastle. 

On the road some of the carts containing the silver 
were upset in the neighbourhood of York, to the no 
small dismay of the guards, who feared that the 
Scots would refuse the treasure in consequence of 
its soiled condition ; but, it is quaintly added, by the 
chronicler of the event, ‘ this circumstance did not 
prevent them from receiving it.’ As an exemplifica¬ 
tion of the clumsy counting system then in vogue, 
we are told that upwards of a fortnight was em¬ 
ployed in this occupation. 

It is a curious, if not a suspicious coincidence, and 
one that strengthens very much the impression so 
general of the Scots having sold their King into the 
hands of his enemies, that on this same sixteenth day 
of December the Parliament in Scotland came to 
the resolution empowering their Commissioners in 
London to demand from the English Parliament that 
Charles should be allowed to return to London with 

T 



274 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, honour and safety; thus endeavouring to make it 
^^—" appear that the surrender of the King’s person was 
in no way connected with the pecuniary considera¬ 
tions now on the eve of fulfilment. 

Another noticeable and significant coincidence in 
reference to dates may be mentioned. On January 
30 the King was delivered by the Scots into the 
hands of the Parliamentary Commissioners, sent for 
the purpose of conducting him to Holmby House, and 
on the same date, January 30 two years hence, the 
fatal consequences of this act of the Presbyterians 
were consummated at Whitehall. 

The King, whilst with the Scots’ army at New¬ 
castle, had been more hampered and restrained in 
the exercise of his religious observances than has 
generally been supposed. The unconditional accept¬ 
ance of the Solemn League and Covenant was by them 
made a point of more importance than all other con¬ 
siderations. He was repeatedly pressed to attend 
the ministry of two celebrated Presbyterian divines, 
but invariably refused; consequently they retaliated, 
by preventing his own chaplains officiating before 
him according to the rites and ceremonies of the 
Church of England, on the ground that the Common 
Prayer Book had been abolished by Act of Par¬ 
liament two years previous. On one occasion, how¬ 
ever, if not more frequently, he attended the Presby¬ 
terian service, for we are told that a minister who 
had been preaching a long hour on the importance of 
Scottish orthodoxy, at the conclusion of his sermon 
gave out the fifty-second psalm, which begins, in the 
Scottish version, 



275 


THE KING TAKEN TO HOLMBY HOUSE. 

"W hy dost thou, tyrant, boast thyself, tliy wicked works to praise. CHAP. 

X. 

Whereupon his Majesty stood up and called for the 
fifty-sixth psalm, which commences, 

Have mercy, Lord, on me, I pray, for men would me devour. 

The congregation, it is added, set aside the minister’s 
psalm, and sang the one the King had called for. 

The journey from Newcastle to Holmby House 
took ten days to accomplish. When within two days’ 
distance of the latter place, his Majesty was met by 
the Parliamentary general, Sir Thomas Fairfax, who 
alighted and kissed the King’s hand; he then 
mounted his horse, and rode by the King’s side into 
Nottingham. On his way to join the King, Sir 
Thomas, who was accompanied by Lady Fairfax, 
stayed a night at Leicester. 

The following description of their reception illus¬ 
trates the manners of the time:— 

4 Leicester , February 8.—His Excellency Sir 
Thomas Fairfax came on Tuesday the 2nd at 
night, where he received great civilities. The mayor 
and aldermen met him out of the town, brought him 
in with great respect, and after supper presented him 
with a large bouquet, with plenty of wine, a great 
many of the inhabitants giving him thanks for 
favours. The next morning their wives waited upon 
the Lady Fairfax with oysters , great cakes, wine, a 
bouquet, and other things.’ 

Let us recapitulate the position of the political 
chess-board in England, at the opening of the vernal 
equinox in 1647. There were the Royalists, the 

T 2 



276 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

X. 


1G47 


Roundheads, and the Scots: representing three well- 
defined religious denominational antagonisms, com¬ 
posed of Episcopalians, Independents, and Presby¬ 
terians. The stronghold of the latter in England 
had hitherto been at Westminster: the majority of 
the Lower House being composed, for the most part, 
of members with strong Presbyterian tendencies. 
Their foes, the Royalists, being now hors de combat , 
the struggle henceforth for supremacy lay between the 
Independents and themselves. In point of position, 
the advantage at this period was decidedly on the 
side of the Presbyterians: they were in possession of 
the Government, the sinews of Avar, and the person 
of the King. The real strength of the Independents, 
however, and that which ultimately decided the ques¬ 
tion in their favour, lay in their resolute, self-reliant, 
dogged courage, which no reverse could lessen or 
subdue; but, above all, in the personal character and 
genius of their great leader, Oliver CroniAvell. For 
the present hard cash won the day, and the Parlia¬ 
mentarians were the victors. Sullen and indignant, 
the army under Fairfax and Cromwell saw the money, 
which they rightly considered in common justice should 
have gone into their own pockets for arrears of pay, 
pass into the pockets of the Covenanters, and carried 
aAvay by them to be spent in their oavii far-off country. 

Toleration in matters of religion—such, at least, as 
is understood in the popular interpretation of that 
word—is elastic enough, so long as the monetary in¬ 
gredient is not an element in the consideration; but 
the moment that is touched, it is otherwise. When it 
Avas discovered that the acceptance of the Solemn 





PERVERSION OF HISTORICAL FACTS. 


277 


League and Covenant involved a recognition of the 
substantial pecuniary claims which bv skilful manoeu- 
vering had been successfully obtained, the chances 
were lessened very considerably of religious convic¬ 
tions following the direction the money had taken; 
and no one act of the Presbyterians did more to 
damage their cause in England with the army and 
the people than this pecuniary transaction. 

But to assert, as some writers have done, that in 
the disposal of the King, money and the amount of it 
were the only objects the Scots had in view, is con¬ 
trary to all historical facts. It is often the habit of 
indolent, inconsiderate persons, unable or unwilling to 
perform the task of careful analysis whenever a psy¬ 
chological difficulty presents itself, to dispose of it by 
resorting to generalisations rather than to the ex¬ 
amination of antecedent facts. A priori reasonings on 
the complicated motives influencing the human mind, 
seldom aid in procuring a satisfactory solution of the 
difficulty. 

Those loyal Presbyterians could little have imagined, 
whilst tediously counting out the contents of the clay- 
begrimed money-boxes, that they themselves were but 
assisting to forge the first links in a chain of events, 
the last of which would, in reference to their beloved 
monarch, terminate in the headsman’s axe ! On the 
other hand it has been equally asserted—regardless 
of historical facts to the contrary—that, in all the mis¬ 
fortunes which befel the monarch and the nation, 
Cromwell alone was the contriver, the instigator; and 
that too for his own nefarious purposes of self-aggran¬ 
disement. He is successively charged with foment- 


CHAP. 

x. 

1647 


278 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, ing the cruel wars, provoking the crooked policy of 
-— r ~~the King, the Puritan outbreak, and the army troubles. 
The King’s trial, violent death, and his own subse¬ 
quent elevation as Lord Protector, were but the 
finale of his successful and deep laid scheme, if the 
Royalists historians are to be credited. 

For the present, however, the Scots 1 army is dis¬ 
posed of. But for his Majesty’s timely visit to their 
camp, no English siller would probably have crossed 
their palm for many a long day to come. Of the 
three great antagonistic parties engaged in this game, 
it may be truly said of one at least that the possession 
of the King’s person ultimately led to the downfall of 
the monarchy and their own subsequent dispersion. 
Who but the Omnicient could forsee these conse¬ 
quences ? The results have shown that, where liberty 
is concerned, there are other and more powerful 
motives deeply influencing Englishmen than what 
the mere love for monarchical institutions calls 
forth. 

That presbyterianism might for a time have been 
successfully transplanted into England, had the Pres¬ 
byterian Parliament coalesced with instead of pur¬ 
chasing the absence of the Scots’ army at this junc¬ 
ture, there can be very little doubt. How long it 
would have been permitted to remain amongst us is 
another matter. Granted even that the Kino- could 

o 

never have been prevailed upon to take the Covenant 
pure and simple, still Presbyterians would for a time 
have been triumphant over the English army of 
Independents; and the modifications the Covenant 
underwent, to which the King subsequently as- 


WHAT LED TO MILITARY DESPOTISM. 

sen ted, would have gone far to cement all parties 
together on the great religious question of the day. 

Hitherto, of the three powers opposed to the King, 
the army had been the principal sufferer in the 
struggle. Many weeks in arrear of their pay; with¬ 
out money or resources, wretchedly clothed; often 
reduced to the meanest food, and compelled by their 
necessities to forage among the inhabitants on free 
quarter, thereby rendering themselves unpopular 
wherever they appeared. It was not, therefore, with¬ 
out alarm that the soldiers had witnessed this last 
successful stroke of Presbyterian policy. 

True to his policy of playing one party off against 
the other, in the hope that by their exhaustion he 
could easily step in and destroy the third, the King 
nevertheless showed greater hostility throughout the 
struggle towards the English Parliament than to the 
Scots, or to the army from whence all his reverses 
were due. This was evident in his selection of the 
Scots’ army for protection, rather than go to the Par¬ 
liament at Westminster; and his subsequent transac¬ 
tions, as will be seen, proved that towards the army 
he had no fear or hesitation in trusting his person 
within its precincts. That the fresh outbreak of the 
civil war which occurred the following year—the 
consequent invasion of England by the Scots; to¬ 
gether with the hot-headed, misguided zeal, of the 
Cavaliers—precipitated events, to the fatal injury of 
the King’s cause., there is very little doubt; but at 
the same time it must not be overlooked that the 
military despotism which succeeded had its origin in 
the wide spread religious antagonism to prelacy, 


279 


CHAP. 

X. 


1647 



280 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, popery, and presbyterianism, rather than to any 

-—•—' hostility felt towards monarchical institutions. 

1647 J 

Henceforth, as we have already said, the struggle 
for supremacy lay between the Parliament and its 
army; and during the five or six months that the 
former kept possession of the King’s person, their 
position was undoubtedly the strongest, and presby ¬ 
terianism became rampant in Church and State. Those 
members who up to this time had successfully evaded 
the Solemn League and Covenant were now required 
to take the oath of conformity, or be excluded from 
their seat in Parliament. Monthly fasts were insti¬ 
tuted and strictly observed, the most famous of the 
Presbyterian ministers usually being selected to 
preach before the House. 

These sermons, by the ton weight, may be seen any 
day among the King’s Pamphlets in the British 
Museum, by those who have any curiosity in the 
matter. Dreary work it will be to wade through most 
of them; and a puzzling problem it is to understand 
how hundreds of grave, sensible men, could have 
listened by the hour, as they are said to have done, to 
these discourses. John Lilburn well described their 
authors as ‘ dry vines ’ instead of divines. Marshall, 
Calamy, Vines, and Obadiah Sedgwick, and one or two 
more, alone possess any originality of thought. The 
rest may be safely passed over in silence. 

Delinquent clergymen had now become a source of 
great trouble to the House; often whole days were 
spent in discussing how best to dispose of them. An 
effectual method was at length hit upon. It was 
ordered that none should be permitted into any 


ARCHBISHOP USHER’S PENSION. 


281 


pulpit without first having taken the Covenant, and 
obtained the consent of both Houses. Nor were the 
Peers less favourably disposed towards presbyterianism 
than the Lower House; for their lordships passed a 
bill in March of this year for the sale of 1 the mitre, 
crozier, copes, and other popish trinkery, brought 
from Oxford.’ 

The altar-plate of Whitehall was also ordered to 
be melted; nay, the lead which covered the church 
steeples was in many instances taken away and sold by 
order of Parliament. The payment of tithes was gene¬ 
rally refused, so that newly appointed ministers who 
had taken the Covenant could not obtain their dues, 
and complained in vain to the House for redress. The 
learned and pious Dr. Usher, Archbishop of Armagh, 
who had been deprived of his revenues and left 
destitute, was more fortunate; for, on petition, he was 
allowed 100/. per quarter, which pension, to the credit 
of Cromwell, was afterwards continued until the pre¬ 
late’s death. 

The deplorable state of religion throughout the 
country is most strikingly depicted in a petition from 
the citizens of London, presented to Parliament 
during this year, in which they complained of a 
general want felt for the preaching of the gospel 
throughout the kingdom; that there were hundreds 
of towns and villages totally destitute of either 
ministers or preaching; and, as a consequence, 
ignorance, drunkenness, profanity, and disaffection 
to Parliament and to others in authority, abounded; 
there being scarcely so much as 4 any face of religion 
in many places.’ 


CHAP. 

x. 

1647 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


The steps taken by the legislature to correct this 
state of things were in accordance with the Euro¬ 
pean theological system then as now in vogue, 
one of its axioms being that a nation can be made 
religious by Act of Parliament. Coercive measures 
were therefore enacted; stage-plays suppressed, and 
the seats of the play-houses pulled down and re¬ 
moved. 

The players, however, turned up again in the large 
rooms of the public-houses, which were converted 
into theatres; until at length the House of Lords 
passed an ordinance for effectually putting a stop to 
them, by fining every spectator five shillings. 
Another ordinance passed at the same time for the 
repair of churches; and the singular spectacle might 
be witnessed of repairs going on in the interior of a 
church, whilst the steeple was being stripped of its 
leaden covering which preserved it from decay. 

The celebrated Westminster Confession, which had 
occupied the Assembly of Divines four years in its 
preparation, was at last completed and presented to 
Parliament; when, after a discussion extending over 
a period of two months, it was finally agreed to. 
This code of religious faith, compiled with so much 
care and trouble, had but a brief career in this 
country. It continues, however, to form the doc¬ 
trinal standard of the Scotch Presbyterian Church 
to the present day. 

Not only were theatrical performances forbidden, 
but public rejoicings of all kinds were sought to be 
suppressed. Days which had been specially set apart 
by the Christian community from time immemorial 
were obnoxious to the new supremacy. The observ- 


POPULAR TUMULTS. 


283 


ance of Christmas and Easter Days was endeavoured chap. 
to be set aside, but to this it was soon discovered ——- 
that the people at large were not a consenting party. 

These 4 vain and superstitious observances, 7 as the Act 
of Parliament designated them, it was found, had a 
stronger hold on the affections of the people than 
the cold phlegmatic North Briton had any idea of. 

From time immemorial the conduit at Cornhill 
every Christmas had been gaily decorated with holly 
and ivy, and the people would not consent to forego 
this custom at the bidding of the Westminster Divines. 

At Canterbury, the mayor, in his zeal to carry out the 
Act of Parliament against 4 vain and superstitious 
observances/ had his head broken for his pains, and 
the town rose in insurrection. The May-poles were 
condemned by the same learned quidnuncs, and a 
vain effort was made to remove them. At Bury this 
attempt caused an insurrection, which required the 
presence of the borough members of Parliament to 
suppress. It was no sinecure to be a member in those 
days. Sunday recreations in Moorfields had long 
taken place; where taverns and tippling, as a matter of 
course, abounded. To put a stop to them, the Lord 
Mayor, one fine Sunday in April, sallied forth with 
a number of the city force, well armed, and took 
possession of the long-frequented spot so dear to the 
Cockney in the days of the Stuarts. The people, we are 
told, however, 44 marched into the City ; shut the gates 
of Newgate and Luclgate ; took by force a drake 1 
thence, got possession of a magazine at Leadenhall, 
and drove the Lord Mayor to take refuge in the 
Tower. 77 

1 A small piece of artillery. 



LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


Fairfax, who happened to be in London at the 
time, called a council of war, and the disturbance 
was only quelled by the aid of two regiments sent to 
assist the City authorities. 

These Presbyterian reforming efforts were not 
confined to London. The Universities came in for 
their share, and that of Oxford especially met with 
a sweeping reform at the hands of the new chancellor, 
the Earl of Pembroke, who went one day in April, 
accompanied by a troop of horse soldiers, and for¬ 
cibly ejected the old dons. Reynolds was put in the 
Vice-Chancellor’s seat: Dr. Wilkinson made Master of 
Magdalen; Dr Selden, of All Souls, put out, and Dr. 
Palmer substituted. At Trinity, some resistance 
being offered, the doors were broken open and Dr. 
Harris put into possession. Wadham likewise un¬ 
derwent a similar violent entry, and Dr. Wilkins 
installed Master. 

Before resort was had to force, the Heads were 
summoned to appear before the Chancellor and the 
Parliamentary Commissioners. Doctors Selden and 
Bayley boldly denied the authority of Parliament to 
turn them out. The next day several of the canons 
of Christchurch were ejected in like manner. This 
done, the Chancellor, Commissioners, and troops, 
departed for London, attended by the principal in¬ 
habitants to the city gates. 

In summing up in few words the verdict which 
posterity has pronounced on this system of coercion, 
but few will hesitate, in the exercise of a sound 
judgment, to agree that it was unsound, impolitic, 
and in the last degree calculated to defeat the object 



PRESBYTERIAN REFORMS. 


285 


proposed; but also must be borne in miud the 
difference in the times which two centuries have 
wrought in the morals, manners, and education of the 
people. 

4 There is no greater error,’ recently remarked a cele¬ 
brated statesman, 4 than to judge the morals of one 
age by the manners of another. There is no greater 
error than to censure the passions of perilous times 
with the philosophical calmness of assured security. 
There is no greater error than to gauge the intellect 
of the past and its deficiences, not by its own 
standard, but by the accumulated wisdom which time 
has bequeathed to us, and which is our magnificent 
patrimony.’ 1 


CHAP. 



1647 


/ 


A 

*r y — 




1 Disraeli’s speech in the House of Commons, February 11, 1867. 


286 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAPTER XI. 

Increasing Distrust between the Parliament and tbe Army—Definite 
Object of each—The Plot thickens—Fairfax removes the Army nearer 
London—Appointment of Agitators in every Regiment—Cromwell 
Acquaints Fairfax of the Ill-feeling existing in Parliament against the 
Army—Alarm at the Approach of Fairfax—Cromwell and others sent 
as Commissioners to Head-quarters by the Parliament—Their un¬ 
favourable Report to the House—Rende zvous at Royston—The Army 
marches to St. Alban's—Their Complaints, stated in a Letter to the 
Lord Mayor, signed by the Army Leaders—A Deputation from the 
Corporation waits upon Fairfax—The Army accuse Eleven Members 
of Parliament—City Militia and Trained Bands called out—Critical 
State of the contending Parties—The King at Ilolmby House—His 
Majesty surprised and taken away from the Parliamentary Commis¬ 
sioners by Cornet Joyce and a Party of Soldiers—The King not averse 
to the Change—Remains with a Portion of the Army at Newmarket 
—Fairfax and Cromwell exculpated from any Share in the Transaction 
—Important Consequences of this Seizure of his Majesty—The Parlia¬ 
ment listens to Reason—Violent Proceedings of the London Appren¬ 
tices precipitate Matters—March of the Army on London—Confusion 
in the City, and vacillating Counsel at Guildhall—The Army Mani¬ 
festo—Arrival of Fairfax at Westminster—His Reception by the Par¬ 
liament—Is invited to dine at Guildhall, and his Reasons for declin¬ 
ing—The Army marches through London into Kent and Surrey— 
Head-quarters fixed at Putney—Cromwell subdues a Sect called ‘ the 
Levellers’—An Ordinance passed in the Commons in favour of ‘Tender 
Consciences ’—Toleration in its limited Sense—Falling off in the at¬ 
tendance of Members of Parliament—Irish Affairs, and the Success of 
Captain Jones—The King at Oatlands and Hampton Court Palace— 
Proposals for an Understanding not seriously entertained by his 
Majesty—Embarrassing Interference of the Scots—The King escapes 
from Hampton Court—Cromwell’s Letter to the Llouse—The King 
gives himself up to the Governor of the Isle of Wight—Cromwell’s 
Letter to Hammond. 

The next six months, during which the King con¬ 
tinued at Holrnby, under the care and supervision of 
the Parliament, was a period of increasing mutual 
distrust between the two contending parties. The 


CHAP. 

XI. 


1647 


/■ 



ARMY DISCONTENT. 


287 


object sought by each was clear and definite. The 
struggle resolved itself into one for supremacy. The 
Parliament was bent on getting rid of the army, and 
they thought to accomplish this by removing a portion 
(such soldiers as were willing) to Ireland, in order to 
encounter the rebels in that country, and to disband 
the remainder. But before either of these plans could 
be carried into execution, a large sum of money was 
necessary to pay off the soldiers’ arrears, and the Par¬ 
liamentary exchequer was empty. A compromise 
was endeavoured by offering eight weeks’ pay towards 
the fifty-six weeks that were now in arrear, with no 
offer of security for the remainder, which only served 
to exasperate them the more. Whilst these nego¬ 
tiations were going on, the Parliament endeavoured 
to undermine the influence and popularity of the 
army by all the means within their power. Wher¬ 
ever practicable garrisons were ordered to be dis¬ 
mantled, and because the system of free-quarter served 
of itself to bring down odium upon the soldiers, they 
took care that their orders for replenishing the com¬ 
missariat department should never be carried out, 
thus rendering the compulsary continuance of this 
odious system a necessary evil, whilst at the same 
time it was being openly denounced by the Parliament. 

Hitherto the army had carried out the wishes of 
the Government by remaining at a considerable dis¬ 
tance from the metropolis, but now that the plot 
against them was thickening, Fairfax decided on 
drawing his forces nearer. Accordingly, in the month 
of March, he removed into Essex, to the terror of the 
inhabitants, who petitioned the House for their re- 


CHAP. 

XI. 


1647 



288 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, moval. These petitions, instead of being dismissed, 
'——' were favourably received, and ordered to be laid before 
1647 General Fairfax. In his answer to the Speaker, the 
general informed the House that the army were ex¬ 
cluded by the Earl of Manchester from entering the 
district of the Eastern Association, therefore he had 
no alternative than that of quartering his men in the 
county of Essex. This explanation appears to have 
satisfied the Parliament, for Fairfax was told to act 
in this matter, and to quarter his army, c as he should 
think fit.’ A week or two later another petition was 
sent from the same county, expressed in stronger 
language; and to aggravate the circumstances, it was 
read the following Sunday from the pulpits of all the 
churches in the district from whence it issued, by the 
Presbyterian incumbents, and in the presence of the 
soldiers, who, we are told, were greatly troubled, and 
cried out c May we not be heard by petition also?’ 
This new movement was now adopted by the Lord 
Mayor and corporation of the city of London, a body 
which from the commencement had been attached to 
presbyterianism. In their petition they prayed— 

‘ That his Majesty be pursuaded to take the Solemn 
League and Covenant. That such as have been op¬ 
posed to Parliament may be removed, or kept at a 
distance from his Majesty’s presence. That the army 
—which they hoped should ere this have been dis¬ 
banded, is now drawn suddenly and quartered near, 
—may be disbanded.’ 

It was not to be expected that the army would 
tamely submit to let these petitioners have it all their 
own way, without making an effort to counteract the 



ARMY DRAWS NEAR TO LONDON. 


289 


harm it was calculated to do them; most indignant chap. 

° xi. 

they were that the House should have encouraged —A- 
this aggression. One of their first acts, by way of 
retaliation; was to forward a petition to the general, 
complaining of arrears of pay; they next appointed 
agitators , two out of every regiment, with instruc¬ 
tions to consider all Acts of Parliament bearing on, 
or in reference to their disbandment. The general 
forwarded the petition to the House, a step the latter 
resented by ordering the soldiers who brought it into 
custody. Cromwell, writing from London, on March 
11, to General Fairfax, then at head-quarters with 
the army at Saffron Walden, remarks: 4 Never were 
the spirits of men more embittered than now. Surely 
the devil hath but a short time. Sir, it is good 
the heart be fixed against all this. The naked 
simplicity of Christ, with that wisdom He is pleased 
to give, and patience will overcome all this.’ In a 
postscript he adds: 4 Upon the Feast-day, divers sol¬ 
diers, horse and foot, near 200, [were] in Co vent 
Garden to prevent us soldiers from cutting the Pres¬ 
byterian throats! These are fine tricks to mock God 
with!’ 

The alarm occasioned by the approach of the army 
induced the authorities to request Fairfax not to 
approach the metropolis within a radius of five-and- 
twenty miles; at the same time it was voted: ‘ That 
Field-Marshal Skippon, Lieutenant-General Crom¬ 
well, Commissary-General Ireton, and Colonel Fleet- 
wood, shall proceed to the army and endeavour to 
quiet all distempers there.’ Accordingly these com¬ 
missioners, all members of Parliament, proceeded to 

u 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


head-quarters and summoned the officers before them, 
when upwards of 200 responded. The notes of the 
House were read to them, and, in the discussion which 
followed, that portion relating to Ireland was dis¬ 
cussed with some warmth. 4 We must acknowledge/ 
say the commissioners, in their letter to the Speaker, 
dated Waldon, May 17, ‘we found the army under a 
deep sense of some sufferings, and the common soldiers 
much unsettled.’ They desired to know what was 
meant, by 4 army distempers.’ If 4 grievances were 
meant they had some.’ They complained that their 
petition to the general, which had given such offence 
to the House, was misunderstood, and protested 
against being disbanded unaccompanied by the audit¬ 
ing of accounts, an act of indemnity for the past, and 
a recompense for 4 lost limbs ’ in the service. Were 
they to be 4 denied the liberty of the subject to peti¬ 
tion, though it were to their general?’ Neither did 
the proposals for service in Ireland meet with satis¬ 
faction, and two weeks’ extra pay offered a poor in¬ 
ducement to those who would volunteer; but when 
it was added that Skippon was to be the general 
in command, the officers cried out with one voice, 
‘Fairfax or Cromwell, and we are ready to go.’ 
12,000 enrolled themselves at once on these condi¬ 
tions. It was all in vain, however, for the Parliament 
refused consent, and the commissioners returned to 
town without either making satisfactory arrangements 
or removing the discontent. 

Up to this the army had committed no open act of 
defiance to the authorities at Westminster. We have 
now to notice a more hostile attitude. The unsatis- 


HOSTILE ATTITUDE OF THE ARMY. 


291 


factory termination to the proposals of the Parlia- chap. 
mentary commissioners left but little prospect of w L > 
any amicable arrangements. Meanwhile, military dis¬ 
content increased, which soon showed itself in more 
open acts of aggression. At Oxford, for instance, where 
the men seized 3,500Z. of the disbanding money and 
refused to give it up until their arrears had been 
settled. This was followed, a week later, by a much 
more daring exploit, emanating from the same quarter, 
of which more anon. With the view of allaying the 
discontent, General Fairfax called together the agi¬ 
tators, and a general rendezvous was the result. At 
this meeting, which took place on June 10, at Royston, 
attended by upwards of 20,000 troops, a new selection 
of commissioners appeared, armed with fresh powers 
from the Parliament. The notes of the House, in 
reference to the army, were then read by the commis¬ 
sioners at the head of each regiment. The following 
details of what took place, as given in Whitlock, may 
interest the reader:— 

4 They first acquainted the general’s regiment with 
the notes, and Skippon spake to them to persuade a 
compliance. An officer of the regiment made answer, 

44 that the regiment did desire that their answer might 
be returned after perusal of the notes by some select 
officers and agitators whom the regiment had chosen, 
and said, this was the motion of the regiment.” 

4 He (Skippon) desired the general and commis¬ 
sioners to give him leave to ask the whole regiment 
if this was their answer. Leave being given they 
cried 44 all.” Then he put the question, If any man 
were of a contrary opinion he should say 44 No; ” and 

u 2 



292 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, not one man gave his “No.” The agitators, in behalf 
xi 0 

—r—' of the soldiers, pressed to have the question put at 
1647 once, Whether the regiment did acquiesce and were 
satisfied with the votes? . . . but this question was 
laid aside. 

4 The like was done in the other regiments, and all 
were very unanimous; and always after the commis¬ 
sioners had done reading the votes, and speaking to 
each regiment, and had received their answer, all of 
them cried out, “ Justice ! Justice! ” 

‘A petition was delivered in the field to the general, 
in the name of “many well-affected people in Essex,” 
desiring that the army might not be disbanded, in 
regard that the Commonwealth had many enemies 
who watched for such an occasion to destroy the good 
people.’ 

Cromwell, and the other members of Parliament 

' « 

who had been directed to join their regiments, no 
doubt were present on this remarkable occasion. 
That same afternoon the army marched to St. Alban’s 
in order to be nearer London. The following; letter 
was also agreed to, and forwarded to the lord mayor 
and corporation. It is important, as showing the 
relative positions of matters as they then stood be¬ 
tween the army and the Parliament. It was sup¬ 
posed to have been the composition of Cromwell:_ 

4 T-o the Righ t Honourable the Lord May or. Aldermen , 
and Common Council of the City of London: these_ 

‘ Royston, June 10, 1047. 

4 Right Honourable and Worthy Friends : —Hav- 
ing by our letters and other addresses presented by 
our general to the Honourable House of Commons en- 



ARMY MANIFESTO AND THE CORPORATION OF LONDON. 


293 


deavoured to give satisfaction of the clearness of our chap. 
just demands; and also in papers published by us, -- 

• • 164 :^ 

remonstrated the grounds of our proceedings in pro¬ 
secution thereof, all of which being published in print, 
we are confident have come to your hands, and re¬ 
ceived a charitable construction from you. 

4 The sum of all these our desires as soldiers is no 
other than this:—Satisfaction to our undoubted claims 
as soldiers, and reparation upon those who have, to 
the utmost, improved all opportunities and advan¬ 
tages, by false suggestions, misrepresentations, and 
otherwise, for the destruction of this army, with a 
perpetual blot of ignominy upon it. Which we should 
not value if it singly concerned our own particular; 
being ready to deny ourselves in this, as we have done 
in other cases, for the kingdom’s good; but under this 
pretence we find no less is involved than the overthrow 
of the privileges both of Parliament and people; and 
that rather than they shall fail in their designs, or we 
receive, what in the eyes of all good men is just right, 
the kingdom is engaged in a new war; and this singly 
by those who, when the truth of these things shall be 
made to appear, will be found to be the authors of 
those ends that are feared; and who have no other 
way to protect themselves from question and punish¬ 
ment but by putting the kingdom into blood, under 
the pretence of their honour and their love to the 
Parliament. As if that were dearer to them than to 
us; or as if they had given greater proof of their 
faithfulness to it than we. 

4 But we perceive that under these veils and pre¬ 
tences they seek to interest in their design the city 
of London; as if that city ought to make good their 


294 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

XI. 

1647 


miscarriages, and should prefer a few self-seeking men 
before the welfare of the public. And, indeed, we 
have found these men so active to accomplish their 
designs, and to have such apt instruments for their 
turn in that city, that we have cause to suspect they 
may engage many therein upon mistakes, which are 
easily swallowed in times of such prejudice, against 
them that have given (we may speak it without vanity) 
the most public testimony of their good affections to 
the public, and to that city in particular. 

‘For the thing we insist upon as Englishmen, and 
surely our being soldiers hath not stript us of that 
interest, although our malicious enemies would have 
it so, we desire a settlement of the peace of the king¬ 
dom and of the liberties of the subject, according to 
the votes and declarations of Parliament, which be¬ 
fore we took arms, were by the Parliament used as 
arguments and inducements to invite us and divers of 
our dear friends out: some of whom have lost their 
lives in this war. Which being now, by God’s blessing 
linished, we think we have as much right to demand 
and desire to see a happy settlement, as we have to 
our money and the other common interest of soldiers, 
which we have insisted upon. We find also the in¬ 
genious and honest people, in almost all parts of the 
kingdom where we come, full of the sense of ruin 
and misery if the army should be disbanded before 
the peace of the kingdom and those other things 
before mentioned have a full and perfect settlement. 

4 We have said before, and profess it now, we desire 
no alteration of the Civil Government. As little do 
we desire to interrupt, or in the least to intermeddle 
with, the settling of the Presbyterial Government. 


ARMY MANIFESTO. 


295 


4 or did we seek to open a way for licentious liberty, chap. 
under pretence of obtaining ease for tender consciences. -— 
We profess, as ever in these things, when once the 1647 
State has • made a settlement we have nothing to say 
but to submit or suffer. Only we could wish that 
every good citizen, and every man who walks peace¬ 
ably in a blameless conversation, and is beneficial to 
the Commonwealth, might have liberty and encourage¬ 
ment; this being according to the true policy of all 
States, and even to justice itself. 

4 These in brief are our desires, and the things for 
which we stand, beyond which we shall not go; and 
for the obtaining of these things we are drawing near 
your city, professing sincerely from our hearts we 
intend not evil towards you; declaring with all con¬ 
fidence and assurance, that if you appear not against 
us in these our just desires to upset that wicked party 
which would embroil us and the kingdom, neither 
we nor our soldiers shall give you the least offence. 

We come not to do any act to prejudice the being of 
Parliament, or to the hurt of this in order to the pre¬ 
sent settlement of the kingdom. We seek the good 
of all; and we shall wait here, or remove to a farther 
distance to abide there, if once we be assured that a 
speedy settlement of things is in hand, until it be 
accomplished; which done, we shall be most ready, 
either all of us, or so many of the army as the Par¬ 
liament shall think fit, to disband, or to go to Ireland. 

4 And although you may suppose that a rich city 
may seem an enticing bait to poor hungry soldiers to 
venture far to gain the wealth thereof; yet, if not 
provoked by you, we do profess, rather than any 
such evil should fall out, the soldiers should make their 


296 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

XL 

1647 


way through our blood to effect it; and we can say this 
for the most of them for your better assurance—that 
they so little value their pay, in comparison of higher 
concernments to a public good, that rather than they 
will be unrighted in the matter of their honesty and 
integrity, or want the settlement of the kingdom’s 
peace, and their own and their fellow-subjects’ liber¬ 
ties, they will lose all. Which may be a strong 
assurance to you that it’s not your wealth they seek, 
but the things tending in common to your and their 
welfare. 

‘ That they may attain, you shall do, like fellow- 
subjects and brethren, if you solicit the Parliament 
for them, on their behalf. 

4 If after all this you, or a considerable part of 
you, be seduced to take up arms in opposition to, or 
hindrance of, these our just undertakings, we hope 
we have, by these brotherly premonitions, to the 
sincerity of which we call God to witness, freed 
ourselves from all that ruin which may befall that 
great and populous city ; having thereby washed our 
hands thereof. 


4 We rest, 
4 Your affectionate 

4 Thomas Fairfax. 
Oliver Cromwell. 
Robert Hammond. 
Thomas Hammond. 
Hardress Waller. 
Nathaniel Rich. 
Thomas Pride. 


friends to serve } t ou, 

Henry Ireton. 
Robert Lilburn. 
John Desborow. 
Thomas Rainsborow. 
John Lambert. 
Thomas Harrison.’ 1 


1 Rush'worth. 


THE ARMY TURNS ON THE PARLIAMENT. 


297 


Obscure as are many of the sentences in this 
remarkable production, it is clear that the c obnoxious 
wicked party ’ alluded to. were the Presbyterians, 
who, in Parliament and in the City, had been so 
actively engaged in seeking to lessen the influence of 
the army, and to undermine its character with the 
nation. But the most alarming portion of the docu¬ 
ment was that which hinted at the ruin which misdit 

o 

befall the great and populous city should this 4 en¬ 
ticing bait to poor hungry soldiers ’ fall in their way. 
So terrible a calamity as the sack of the City awakened 
the liveliest fears among the inhabitants, the results 
of which were seen the day following, when the City 
magnates proceeded in state to the head-quarters of 
the army, in order to persuade the general not to 
approach the metropolis any nearer. 

A week later the army followed up its advantage, 
and proceeded to accuse eleven members of the Lower 
House of high treason. Messrs. Hollis, Sir William 
Waller, Stapleton, Massey, Sir William Lewis, Sir 
John Clotworthy, Mr. Recorder Glynn, Nichols, 
Harley, Colonel Long, and Sir John Maynard, were 
the parties accused. This drew forth replies from 
the Parliament and the Corporation. 

The response of the latter was embodied in a 
letter to the general and officers, acquainting them 
that the City entertained no enmity to the army, but 
sought only to defend the Parliament from any 
violence which might possibly be offered. That of 
the Parliament was not so pacific, for an ordinance 
was passed to assemble the City militia and train- 
bands, which had already been amalgamated, none 


£ 


CHAP. 

XI. 


1647 



298 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

XI. 


1647 


but Presbyterians devoted to them being permitted 
to join, when the following agreement was subscribed 
by those who assembled:— 

4 Whereas we have entered into a solemn league 
and covenant for reformation and defence of religion, 
the honour and happiness of the kingdom, and the 
peace and safety of the three kingdoms of England, 
Scotland, and Ireland ; all which we do eminently 
perceive to be endangered, and like to be destroyed : 
we do, therefore, in pursuance of our said covenant, 
oath of allegiance, oath of every freeman in the cities 
of London and Westminster, and Protestants, solemnly 
engage ourselves, and vow unto God Almighty, that 
we will, to the utmost of our power, cordially endea¬ 
vour that his Majesty may speedily come to his own 
Houses of Parliament with honour, safety, and free¬ 
dom (and that without the nearer approach of the 
army), there to confirm such things as he has granted 
in his message of May 12 last, in answer to the 
proposition of both kingdoms; and that by a personal 
treaty with his two Houses of Parliament, and the 
commissioners of the kingdom of Scotland, such 
things as are yet in difference may be speedily settled, 
and in a firm and lasting peace established. . . 

Bearing in mind the long series of neglects and 
provocations the army had received at the hands of 
the Parliament, and the extremely difficult and pre¬ 
carious position they now found themselves placed 
in, whilst at the same time it is impossible to defend 
their conduct in the recent flagrant attack on the 
independence of the House, it was, we repeat, not in 
the nature of things to be expected that of the two 



THE STATE OF PARTIES. 


299 


alternatives before them, submission or resistance, chap. 

7 XI 

they should hesitate which to choose; therefore, in '——- 
preferring the latter course, they were acting con¬ 
sistently, and in accordance with the object for which 
they had taken up arms, suffered, and bled. 

Let us take into consideration the state of the 
country at this crisis. There was still a large, 
powerful, and influential party, until lately in arms 
with the King at their head, watching events, and 
ready to take advantage of any opening success¬ 
fully to renew the contest. There were to be found 
among the Scots a strong, compact, and war-disposed 
body, daily growing more impatient at the detention 
of the King, demanding his release and independence 
of action ; ready, as events proved, to take up arms 
in his cause. Ireland was in armed opposition and 
rebellion to the authority of the Government; at any 
moment able to create a diversion by landing troops 
on the coast of Wales. A powerful body of Cavaliers 
were watching events in a neighbouring country, 
with money, means, and resources at command, aided 
by bold and skilful generals, with the heir apparent 
at their head, ready to embark for England on the 
first favourable opportunity ; and, if submission had 
been decided on, there would have been no army to 
take the field, and a navy not to be depended on. 

With all these elements combined to work destruction, 
it is not difficult to foresee what would have been the 
position of Puritan England and her Parliament when 
the King once more got ‘his own again.’ Instead of 
eleven members impeached, scarce eleven, perhaps, 
would have escaped impeachment; and to Indepen- 



800 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, dents, Presbyterians, and Puritans alike, confiscation of 
-—i ■— property and expatriation, forced or voluntary, would 
have marked the advent of the Poyalists to power. 

But, if only on the mere grounds of expediency 
the conduct of the army can be justified, had the 
Parliament a better plea, or one half so conclusive ? 
From the day the King and the Parliament appealed 
to arms, the statute law of the land was, for the time 
being, more or less in abeyance ; neither party recog¬ 
nising the authority of the other. The allegiance of 
the army to the Parliament never had an existence; 
and beyond the fulfilment of a military compact, 
binding on both sides alike, no claim to authority 
over them had ever been implied or understood. 
The violation of that compact originated with the 
Parliament and not with the army, when the former 
neglected their part of the contract, and neither paid 
the soldiers or provided for their sustenance. On 
three distinct and conspicuous occasions within the 
past few months had the Parliament been the ag¬ 
gressors. They misused the funds provided for ar¬ 
rears of pay, by appropriating them to the Scots, in 
order to secure the King’s person. They next sought 
to disband their own forces, and dismiss them without 
arrears, pensions, compensation for wounds, or in¬ 
demnity of any kind ; and, finally, they encouraged 
Presbyterian petitions against them, and treated the 
army remonstrance with disdain, although presented 
by upwards of 200 officers. 

On the review of the whole, it is impossible to 
escape the conviction that, so far as the material 
interests of the country were concerned, the army 



HIS MAJESTY AT HOLMBY HOUSE. 


made a wise choice ; of the two evils, military des¬ 
potism being far more preferable than that worst 
form of tyranny—anarchy and mob law. 

Whilst the events just narrated were occurring, the 
King remained at Holmby House, apparently con¬ 
tented with the exchange he had experienced from the 
control of the Scots’ army to that of the Parliament; 
inwardly encouraging the hope of being able to play 
off one party against the other, and thus bring sudden 
destruction upon both. 

Now whether he hill Oassio, 

Or Cassio him, or each do kill the other, 

Every way makes my gain. 

Of his mode of life during the five or six months 
at Holmby but few glimpses are afforded. The 
early part appears to have passed pleasantly. His 
favourite amusement was a game at bowls. c The 
King,’ says one of the Parliament commissioners, 
writing from Holmby, c is very pleasant and merry ; 
his only desire is to come to or near London.’ The 
rest of the day was spent in arguing with the com¬ 
missioners, chiefly on religious subjects, neither party, 
as is often the case, succeeding in convincing the 
other. The poor simple country people, afflicted 
with the disease known as the king’s evil, flocked to 
him on certain days to be touched, according to the 
popular superstition—a practice which had survived 
from the time of Edward the Confessor; nor did this 
custom cease until the reign of George I., in 1714. 
His religious convictions appear to have undergone 
no change by his long residence with the Scottish 
Presbyterians, nor would he consent to listen to the 


302 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

XL 


1647 


preachers appointed and sent down to enlighten him 
by the Parliament. 4 His Majesty,’ says the same 
quaint writer already quoted, 4 refuses to hear our 
ministers preach unto him, nor will he hear of estab¬ 
lishing the Directory (for Church government) until 
such times as he has consulted with some of his own 
chaplains: his Majesty’s conscience being very tender.’ 
The Presbyterians on their days of fast appear to 
have met with but little encouragement, for we are 
told, 4 the King was earnestly desired to keep the fast 
yesterday for the distress of Ireland. His Majesty 
was content to fast, but would not join in the prayers, 
because they were altered since, and not by him 
consented unto.’ But a more serious annoyance to 
him was their interference with his domestic expen¬ 
diture, and also controlling the number and the 
choice of those he preferred to have about him. It 
was in vain the commissioners pleaded the poverty 
of the country. The King would not give way, until 
at length the Parliament sent special commissioners 
to deal with the matter, who restricted the royal 
establishment in diet, attendance, and the number of 
persons at court; confining the selection of the latter 
to persons of known Presbyterian proclivities, and 
who had adhered to the Parliament. 

Under these circumstances it is not so much a 
matter of surprise that the King, as we are told, be¬ 
came 4 very melancholy and let his hair grow.’ How 
far he was acquainted with affairs transpiring between 
the Parliament and the army at this time is not 
known; most probably he knew perfectly well the 
turn things were taking; be that, however, as it 



CORNET JOYCE CARRIES OFF TIIE KING. 


303 


may, the monotony of his daily life was suddenly 
interrupted, and brought to a conclusion in a most 
unexpected manner. It will be remembered that a 
portion of. the discontented army had been located 
far away from head-quarters at Oxford. Some of the 
more bold and resolute troops were to be found in this 
division: men who had been especially distinguished 
for their opposition to the authority of Parliament. 
Among these was one Joyce, now a cornet in a regi¬ 
ment of horse, but formerly a tailor in London. One 
night, early in the month of June, Joyce sallied forth 
outside the gates of Oxford, on horseback, in the 
company of about 500 troopers, apparently under 
orders, but, as it proved, without authority from head¬ 
quarters; and took swift flight in the direction of 
Holmby House, whither they arrived about midnight. 
Having first taken the precaution of posting sentinels 
round the house, he, in company with a number of 
troopers, knocked at the door of the mansion and 
rained admission, not without strong suspicion of con¬ 
nivance. He next proceeded upstairs, and presented 
himself at the bedside of the King, who had retired 
for the night. This sudden appearance of an armed 
man greatly startled his Majesty, who demanded 
what business he had there. Joyce told him he had 
come in order to carry his Majesty away from the 
Parliamentary commissioners, and to remove him to 
the head-quarters of the army at Taplow Heath. 
1 By what authority ? ’ demanded the King. 4 By 
the authority of the army,’ was Joyce’s reply. 4 Your 
Majesty sees our commission, pointing at the same 
time significantly to the pistols in his hands, and to his 


CHAP. 

XI. 

1647 


304 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

XI. 


1647 


followers now waiting at the door of the apartment. 
4 You have the fairest frontispiece of any that I 
ever saw, being 500 proper men on horseback,’ said 
the Ivinof. A commission so well endorsed admitted 
of no denial or argument, and his Majesty promised 
compliance in the morning. It was in vain the com¬ 
missioners protested the next day; Joyce was deaf 
to their entreaties, and all they could accomplish was 
permission to accompany his Majesty on horseback, 
which they did. 

The journey to head-quarters occupied three days. 
On the road the King slept at Hinchinbrcok House, 
now no longer pertaining to the Cromwells, it having 
passed by purchase into the hands of Colonel Mon¬ 
tague. Forty years had passed since the King, then 
a little boy, had spent two nights in the same mansion . 
How great the contrast between this and his former 
visit, when accompanied by his father, James I., 
then on his way to take possession of the throne of 
England. 

On arriving at Newmarket, the King was met by 
Colonel Whalley, with a troop of horse, whom Fairfax, 
on learning the adventure, had hastily despatched 
in order to restore his Majesty into the hands of 
the Parliamentary commissioners: to this latter, 
however, the King declined compliance, preferring, he 
said, to remain with the army. Fairfax, in his me¬ 
moirs, has given us the following version ofpjiis 
transaction:— 

4 So soon as I heard of it,’ writes Fairfax, ‘ I imme¬ 
diately sent away two regiments of horse, commanded 
by Colonel Whalley, to set all things right again. 



GENERAL FAIRFAX’S INTERVIEW WITH THE KING. 


305 


But, betore he came to Holmby, the King was ad- chap. 
vanced two or three miles towards Cambridge, at- '— 
tended by Joyce. When Colonel Whalley acquainted 1617 
the King he was sent by the general to let him know 
how much he was troubled at those great insolences 
committed so near his person, as he had not the least 
knowledge of them before they were done; and, there¬ 
fore, he desired his Majesty would be pleased to return 
again to Holmby: but the King refused to return. 

The King said positively, he “ would not do it.” 

‘ The King came that night, or the next, to Sir J. 

Cutts’ house, near Cambridge, and the next day I 
waited on his Majesty, it being my business to per¬ 
suade his return to Holmby; but he was otherwise 
resolved. 

I Having spent a whole day about this business I 

returned to my quarters, and, as I took leave of the 
King, he said to me, “ Sir, I have as good interest in 
the army as you.” By which I plainly saw the broken 
reed he leaned on. . . . The agitators could change 
into that colour which served next to their ends, and 
had brought the King into an opinion that the army 
was for him. 

I I called for a Council of War to proceed against 
Joyce for this high offence; but the officers, whether 
for fear of the distempered soldiers, or, as I suspected, 
a secret allowance of what was done, made all my 
endeavours in this ineffectual.’ 1 

Clarendon, the Royalist historian, also corroborates 
the statement relative to the preference shown by the 
King for the army on this occasion:— 

1 Short Memorials of Thomas, Lord Fairfax, written by Himself. 

X 





306 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

XI. 


1647 


4 The King,’ he remarks, 4 was by no means averse 
to the change, nor was he restricted, as he had been 
at Holmby, in matters affecting the choice of those 
about him: liberty was given to any clergymen 
whom the King might select to come to him, and 
Dr. Morley, Dr. Sanderson, and Dr. Hammond, all 
three staunch Royalists, were chosen as chaplains/ 

Cromwell and Ireton are both said to have had an 
interview with his Majesty at Newmarket; neither of 
them, however, offered to kiss the royal hand, though, 

4 in all other points/ it is added, 4 they behaved 
themselves most respectfully.’ 

The bold and successful manoeuvre of Joyce and 
his 500 troopers had materially altered the relative 
position of the two contending parties. By whom it 
was instigated never transpired; but it is impossible 
to avoid the conviction that a previous understanding 
and connivance must have existed on the part of 
some of the general officers. All historians, except 
the most prejudiced amongst the Royalist writers, 
agree that Fairfax and Cromwell were kept in the 
dark in the matter. The latter, as is well known, 
was occupied in his Parliamentary duties; nor did 
he leave London until the morning that Joyce set 
out on his secret expedition. 

The success of the scheme, together with the threat¬ 
ening attitude of the army, caused great alarm and 
perplexity among the Presbjfferians in the City and at 
Westminster. A conciliatory course was thought 
the wiser and more effective for the Parliament to 
adopt, whilst with the citizens east of Temple Bar 
nothing but defiance and resistance became the order 



THE CITY APPRENTICES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 


307 


of the day. The Parliament now sent a message to 
the army granting many of their demands, and the 
eleven impeached members were also ordered to ab¬ 
sent themselves from attendance in Parliament. In 
the City, however, the train-bands and militia were 
assembled, and defensive operations commenced in 
various parts. These antagonistic proceedings be¬ 
tween the City and the West End, during the en¬ 
suing six weeks, were productive of nothing but 
anarchy and confusion. Meanwhile the army, now 
within one day’s march of the metropolis, was ready 
at any moment to step in and decide the matter. 
This event was precipitated on July 26, by the City 
apprentices, who, according to Whitelock’s version, 
6 with other rude boys and mean fellows among them, 
came into the House of Commons, kept the door open 
and their hats on, calling out as they stood, “Vote, 
Vote!’” In this arrogant position they remained 
until the following demands had been read, namely: 
1 The repeal of the militia ordinance : “ That the City 
be vindicated against a late pretended declaration, 
that those are traitors who shall act to get subscrip¬ 
tions; and that it may be revoked;’’ and lastly: 4 That 
both Houses do presently make an order for calling 
in all absent members, especially the eleven late 
accused members, against whom there has been no¬ 
thing proved to this day.’ 

Another account says: c The people made a great 
noise in the ante-rooms. Some knocked at the door 
of the House; others threw stones in at the windows 
of the House of Peers. At last both Houses, seeing 
it would be in vain to resist the multitude, who 


CHAP. 

XI. 


1647 



308 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, threatened to tear them in pieces, voted, ‘ That the 
xi L 

—^" ordinance for settling the militia of London and the 

declaration of the 24th of the same intent be null and 
void/ This done, the House stood adjourned till 
the next day; but the multitude constrained the 
Speaker and members to resume their seats, and de¬ 
sired them to vote that the King should come to 
London; which was done accordingly. The members 
were then permitted to depart.’ 1 

It was busy work in London during the next ten 
days. So soon as intelligence reached the general 
that Parliament had been forced by a lawless mob to 
undo their previous acts, the army was at once 
marched to Hounslow Heath and Brentford, within 
twelve miles of London, from whence a sharp letter 
of rebuke was despatched to the Common Council, 
complaining that the City authorities had not kept to 
their promise of preserving order ; but, instead of 
doing so, had encouraged the seditious, and there¬ 
fore the army would hold them responsible for 7 the 
consequences that might ensue. 

But a more significant proof that the army had 
recognised its true position was afforded a day or two 
later, by the appearance of upwards of a hundred 
members of the two Houses, accompanied by the two 
Speakers, Lord Manchester and Lenthall, who came 
to head-quarters at Brentford, where they were re¬ 
ceived with great acclamation by the soldiers, who 
shouted, 4 Lords and Commons and a free Parlia¬ 
ment ! ’ A review was ordered in honour of their 
arrival, the members accompan} r ing the general on 
horseback. 


1 Rapin. 


GREAT EXCITEMENT IN THE CITY, 


309 


A last expiring effort was now made in Parliament chap. 
by the Presbyterian faction, when the Houses re- •— 
assembled on the following Friday. After electing 1647 
two new Speakers, in the place of those who had gone 
to the army, they proceeded to pass a vote, recalling 
the eleven absent Presbyterian members, inviting the 
King to London, and appointing General Massey 
commander of the militia, with full power to raise 
troops. These proceedings, however, were but of small 
moment to the victorious, well-disciplined army, fully 
conscious of its ability to put down all opposition or 
resistance now so near at hand. 

The next two days was a period of great excite¬ 
ment in the City: drums beating, flags flying, soldiers 
galloping to and fro; the shops were closed, and all 
business totally suspended. The City authorities found 
much difficulty in procuring horses for their newly- 
raised forces; private stables were ransacked, and 
even the judges had some difficulty in preventing their 
horses from being taken: Mr. Justice Godbelt’s were 
removed, just as he was preparing to start on the 
Western Circuit, and an order from the House of 
Lords was necessary before he could obtain them 
again. The place of rendezvous was Saint James’s 
fields, and thither all enlistments took place. Mean¬ 
while rumours were continually reaching the City of 
the near approach of the army; and the citizen’s 
hopes and fears fluctuated alternately. If the report 
came that the army had made a halt, their cry was 
4 One and all! ’ if, on the other hand, it was announced 
they were close upon the City, then nothing but 
‘ Treat, treat, treat,’ was heard on all sides. At this 



310 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, particular crisis the example of the Southwark in- 
- V habitants threw a damper on the popular enthusiasm, 
for they refused to enlist, claiming exemption on the 
ground that they were not within the City jurisdiction. 
Having sent a message to General Fairfax, soliciting 
1 peace and a sweet composure,’ the inhabitants of the 
borough then proceeded in a large body with a petition 
to Guildhall, in which was stated their reasons for 
refusing to fight. This so exasperated Poyntz, the 
general of the City forces, that, losing all patience, 
he dashed in upon them on horseback, sword in hand, 
slashing and wounding many, some of whom died. 

Meanwhile, the Commander-in-Chief, General Mas¬ 
sey, in order to allay the fears of the populace, and 
being desirous of obtaining authentic information, sent 
out scouts on the Brentford road, not, however, with 
impunity, for they encountered a few of Fairfax’s 
soldiers, who made thirty of them prisoners and took 
a flag. All through the night the Common Council 
sate deliberating at Guildhall, not knowing what to 
do; until, at length, their fears getting the better of 
their courage, it was decided to send a humble letter 
to General Fairfax, beseeching him that there 4 might 
be a way of composure; ’ but it was too late, for early 
the next morning the army, in a compact body, 
marched towards London. Before, however, start¬ 
ing, the general published an army manifesto directed 
chiefly against the City, in which they complained 
as follows:— 

L That underhand enlisting had been procured, 
contrived by a wicked and treasonable combination ; 
that the City had been well-preserved for four years 



THE ARMY MANIFESTO. 


311 


whilst the militia was in the hands of the old com- chap. 
missioners, persons without exception proper and — 
honourable ; they therefore protest against it being 1047 
taken out of their hands and placed in the hands of 
those at present, who had been very cool in the service 
of the Parliament. At the same time the Common 
Council had been newly modellized, and a lord 
mayor chosen favourable to these changes, whilst 
others, not so favourably inclined, had been rejected; 
that the honour of Parliament was being continually 
trampled under foot, and their authority set at defiance 
by every rabble of women, apprentices, reformadoes, 
and soldiers/ 

They also protested against the election of the 
new Speakers, and against all votes which had been 

m 

forced from the two Houses on July 26 last; and 
also against any as should be passed until [the 
members who had left could safely and peaceably 
return to their places. Lastly, they demanded that 
the authors and fomenters of the violence done to 
Parliament should be delivered up and punished. 

When the army had reached Kensington, a depu¬ 
tation from London met the general, and they ad¬ 
journed to the neighbouring mansion, Holland House, 
where the formal submission of the civic and Par¬ 
liamentary authorities was tendered and accepted ; 
after which the army proceeded, three deep, with 
laurels in their hats, through Hyde Park to West¬ 
minster, accompanied by the Speakers and several of 
the members. From Holland House the general 
wrote to the Common Council, assuring the citizens 
that his object in coming was not to molest in any 



312 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, way, or deprive them of their property, but solely 
——• to preserve the privileges of Parliament, and to pro¬ 
tect the persons of its members from violence. 

On reaching Westminster, Fairfax alighted at the 
house of Sir Abraham Williams, in New Palace Yard, 
where he remained whilst the Speakers, with the 
members, proceeded to their places in Parliament. 
The House of Commons, on meeting, immediately 
passed two resolutions, one making Fairfax Con¬ 
stable of the Towei', the other inviting him to enter 
the House that he might receive the thanks of Par¬ 
liament, which he accordingly did, when he was re¬ 
ceived with much honour, the members all standing. 
The resolutions having been read in his presence, the 
general, who was accompanied by Cromwell, then 
bowed and retired. It was afterwards voted that a 
day of thanksgiving should be set apart, and a month’s 
pay as a gratuity given to the soldiers. 

The day following, the noAv no longer belligerent 
Common Council waited upon Fairfax, to invite him 
to a grand banquet at Guildhall, which he thought 
proper to decline, thanking them, however, and as¬ 
signing as a reason the many great affairs pressing 
upon him. A magnificent ewer and basin of wrought 
gold was subsequently presented to him by the cor¬ 
poration. 

The next day the army marched through the City 
without halting, much to the joy of the citizens, who 
were frightened for their property, and proceeded 
over London Bridge into Kent, Croydon being chosen 
for head-quarters. It was, however, soon removed 
to Kingston-upon-Thames, in order the better to 



CROMWELL AT PUTNEY. 


313 


watch the movements of the King, who had now chap. 
gone to reside at Oatland’s Park. Shortly after, his *—lA- 
Majesty again changed his residence, and went to 
Hampton' Court, and the head-quarters of the army 
were consequently removed to Putney. With the 
latter came Oliver Cromwell. One hundred and 
fifty years had elapsed since the forge and the 
hammer of his ancestor, the Putney blacksmith, had 
awakened the echoes of that quaint old village. We 
may, without venturing far into the regions of im¬ 
probability, fancy our silent Oliver, in his moody 
moments, standing on the banks of the noble Thames 
close by, watching the tide as it ebbed and flowed; 
and, in thought, going back those many years in 
wonder and amazement at the good providence of 
God, which, from such small beginnings, had prospered 
and preserved his family through several generations ; 
or, perhaps, visiting the churchyard, where, for aught 
we know to the contrary, the remains of the old 
brewer and blacksmith had been interred, and there 
lay mouldering in the dust. We may imagine him 
also sitting in the old oak pew of the ancient 
parish church on a Sunday morning, listening to a 
long-winded sermon from Hugh Peters; and then the 
stern realities of his own responsibilities, cares, and 
anxieties, would probably force themselves into the 
foreground, and throw a gloom over the whole. 

The most pressing want felt by the army was 
money, and how to raise it was still the difficulty. 

Only a few weeks after reaching head-quarters at 
Putney, we read that 4 all was at a standstill for want 
of money; and, among other schemes for raising tern- 



314 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


cjiap. porary supplies, it was proposed, at a conference held 
-— r ~~—' one Sunday afternoon, in September, in the parish 
church, shortly after a sermon had been delivered by 
Hugh Peters, to petition Parliament for leave to 
raise a supply by a levy to be collected by the 
soldiers from the principal inhabitants in the metro¬ 
polis and the suburbs. 1 

This scheme, however, met with no favour in Par¬ 
liament ; but it produced at least this effect, for it 
induced the House seriously to consider the evils 
which threatened a further delay or postponement in 
reference to the pressing pecuniary wants of the forces 
in arms ; and a resolution was passed empowering the 
sale of the land belonging to deans and chapters, and 
of the remainder of the bishops’ lands, the proceeds 
being devoted to the army. 

Meanwhile, a troublesome sect of religionists had 
sprung up in certain regiments, called Levellers, re¬ 
quiring all the vigilance of Cromwell to manage and 
subdue. The origin of this once powerful sect dates 
so far back as the sixteenth century, when a fanatic 
named Munzer rendered himself formidable by col¬ 
lecting his followers, and destroying all the images 
Luther had left in the churches of Germany. A 
powerful army of confederates, amounting to 40,000 
men was next formed, who endeavoured to spread 
abroad their leader’s doctrine, that as mankind were 
all equal, there ought to be no inequality of property. 

Munzer, backed by his large army, proceeded to 
enforce his principles by commanding the sovereign 
princes of Germany, and the magistrates of cities, to 


1 Whitelock. 


CROMWELL CRUSHES THE LEVELLERS. 


315 


resign their authority. He was at length defeated chap. 
by the Landgrave of Hesse, taken prisoner, and exe- >— 
cuted at Mulhausen, in 1525. That such visionary 1647 
notions should ever have had any connection with, or 
sprung from, the great Protestant Reformation, is 
strange, and proves the perversity there is in the 
human mind to mix truth with error in hopeless and 
inexplicable confusion. 

Oliver Cromwell, however, made summary work of 
the cases he discovered in the army. A council of war 
was called at Putney, in October, to consider a matter 
of this kind, in which two regiments were implicated ; 
much debate and division of opinion ensued, but he 
silenced or overruled all opposition, for which he re¬ 
ceived the thanks of the Parliament in November; 
and, on the 15th of the same month, the affair was 
effectually crushed by him at a mutinous rendezvous 
near Hertford, when, by his timely appearance, eleven 
of the mutineers were seized, tried by court-martial, 
and three of them condemned to be shot. 

The position of the Parliament during these months 
was by no means an enviable one. On the one hand 
they had to deal with a powerful discontented army 
close to them, whose demands became daily more and 
more peremptory and exacting, not only in reference 
to money payments, but also to legislation, and the 
punishment of those high in office who had opposed 
the army on the late occasion. Sir John Gayer, the 
last lord mayor, was one of these, and the House was 
very reluctantly obliged to condemn him, with four 
other aldermen, to the Tower, the charge being, 
‘countenancing and abetting force and tumult.’ 



316 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap. On the other hand they had delicate negotiations to 
—r—manage with an impracticable and procrastinating 
monarch, who thought he had everything to gain by 
delay. The Scots also were loud in their complaints 
against the Parliament, for submitting to the tyranny 
of the army, and suffering the removal of the King 
from their authority. 4 The form of Presbyterian 
government ’ was also required to be modified to suit 
the Independents. Cromwell’s influence appears in 
this, as in all other matters. 4 1 feared to miss the 
House to-day,’ he wrote, October 13, to Sir Thomas 
Fairfax, 4 where it’s very necessary for me to be.’ 
Three days later an ordinance passed in favour of 
4 tender consciences.’ Those, however, whose 4 con¬ 
sciences ’ demanded the use of the Book of Common 
Prayer were especially overlooked in this arrangement. 

Toleration there was to be for Dissenters, but none 
for Episcopalians. . Those in the army, or elsewhere, 
who belonged to Cromwell’s sect of Independents, 
and, therefore, scrupled to take the Solemn League 
and Covenant, were relieved from taking the oath; all 
others were required to conform. 

Laud’s ecclesiastical tyranny had borne its legiti¬ 
mate fruits; so true it is, that the slowest of all 
growths, and the last of all lessons to learn, is tolera¬ 
tion. 

If, later on during the Commonwealth, it became 
a crime in a child to read by the bedside of a sick 
parent one of those beautiful collects which had 
soothed the griefs of forty generations of Christians, 
it became equally a crime to extemporise a prayer 
after the Restoration, when episcopacy once more was 


THE IRISH REBELLION. 


317 


the dominant form of worship. It was then a crime chap. 
to attend a dissenting place of worship. A single >——- 
justice might convict, and for the third offence pass 1647 
sentence of transportation, without a jury, for seven 
years beyond sea; and all divines who had been de¬ 
prived of their benefices, and those who refused to 
take an unreasonable test which was imposed, were 
forbidden to come within five miles of any town, cor¬ 
porate or parliamentary, or where they had acted as 
ministers. 1 

There were, however, many members of Parliament 
who found it difficult to go with the majority on this 
and other matters. The consequences of open resis¬ 
tance were too recently exemplified in the fate of the 
eleven to induce a repetition of the same mode of 
showing it, instead of which they adopted the silent 
system, and abstained altogether, not only from voting, 
but also from appearing in their places. To remedy 
this, a call of the House was made, when upwards of 
150 members, or nearly one-half, were found to be 
absent. A fine of 20 L was ordered if the same thing 
occurred on the next call of the House, and this ap¬ 
pears to have had the desired effect. 

Ireland had long been in open and successful rebel¬ 
lion ; latterly, however, matters had began somewhat 
to amend. A vigorous and enterprising officer, one 
Colonel Jones, formerly governor of Chester, had 
been sent over in command by the Parliament, and 
successfully encountered the rebels on several occa¬ 
sions. On the news reaching the army of a great 
battle and victory fought at Trim, in which the rebels 

1 Macaulay. 



LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


were completely routed, Cromwell, who seems to 
have had no previous acquaintance with Jones, wrote 
to him the following letter of congratulation:— 

* Putney, September 14, 1647. 

4 Sir, —The mutual interest and agreement we have 
in the same cause, give me occasion, as to congratu¬ 
late [and] abundantly to rejoice in God’s gracious 
dispensation unto you and by you. We have, both in 
England and Ireland, found the immediate presence 
and assistance of God, in guiding and succeeding our 
endeavours hitherto ; and therefore ought, as I doubt 
not both you and we desire, to ascribe the glories of 
all to Him, and to improve all we receive from Him 
alone. 

4 Though it may be for the present, a cloud may lie 
over our actions to those who are not acquainted with 
the grounds of them; yet we doubt not but God will 
clear our integrity and innocency from any other ends 
we aim at but His glory and the public good. And 
as you are an instrument herein, so we shall, as 
becometh us upon all occasions, give you your due 
honour. For my own particular—wherein I may 
have your commands to serve you—you shall find none 
more ready than he that sincerely desires to approve 
himself, 

4 Your affectionate friend, and humble servant, 

4 Oliver Cromwell.’ 

Jones’s victory at Trim, on August 8, was followed 
by other successes, although he was most inadequately 
supported by Parliament with money or soldiers. 

A vote for sending 7,000 troops appears never to 


THE KING AT HAMPTON COURT. 


319 


have been carried out, other and more pressing events 
occurring at the time. 

The King’s sojourn at Hampton Court and Oatlands 
extended . from August 14 to November 11. But 
few glimpses of his daily life during this interval are 
afforded. Three of his children were staying at Sion 
House, not far from Hampton Court, under the charge 
of the Earl of Northumberland; he was permitted to 
see them occasionally. The Duke of York was fifteen 
years old, the Princess Elizabeth a year or two 
younger, the Duke of Gloucester about seven. Once 
or twice he dined with them at Sion House. We read 
that in October the earl applied to the House of 
Commons for permission to allow his Majesty to see 
his children at Hampton Court, a request which 
shows the limited extent of his interviews with them 
hitherto. Clarendon mentions that the early part of 
his residence was passed cheerfully. He rode out 
on horseback on most days, and hunted in the great 
park. Many of the citizens flocked to see him, and 
the nobility paid frequent visits. Cromwell is said to 
have had conferences with the King; but these visits 
at length gave umbrage to certain parties in the army, 
and he therefore discontinued them. 

Up to this period the King, it was said, had a secret 
leaning towards the army, fostered no doubt by Crom¬ 
well’s repeated visits. The hope, so long cherished, 
that the struggle for supremacy between the two 
contending parties would be decided by an appeal to 
arms now began to fail him; not so the expectation 
that he might yet be called in to act as mediator and 
arbitrator, in which event the problem of the future 


CHAP. 

XI. 


1647 



320 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, government of the country he considered could alone 
'—r ■—' be solved by himself and in his own favour. Hence 
the proposals sent to him by the Parliament for an 
agreement so anxiously desired by the English and 
Scottish nations were never seriously entertained. 
Those proposals were that the Parliament should 
have in their own hands the exclusive control of the 
militia for a period of twenty years; all titles of 
nobility created since the year 1642 were to be an¬ 
nulled; the bishops to be abolished, and Presbyte¬ 
rianism to become the religion of the State; all 
ecclesiastical property remaining to the deans and 
chapters was to be sold, and the proceeds to remain 
at the discretion of the Parliament; and, lastly, royal 
forests and chases were to be disenforested. 

To these propositions the King replied that he 
could not consent to that which affected the militia 
or the bishops. He would, nevertheless, agree to the 
presbytery being established for a limited number of 
years. 

Long debates ensued in the Commons, when it was 
at length agreed that the answer of the King was a 
denial of their propositions. 

Commissioners were, therefore, appointed, who went 
to Hampton Court, and stated to the King that it was 
4 reasonable and necessary that his Majesty should 
give his consent to such laws as should be agreed to 
by Parliament for the good of the kingdom/ 

The King, in fact, was not in earnest, and this the 
Parliament and the army plainly understood. 

Henceforth his Majesty was neglected by both 
parties, although he continued to be treated civilly; 



EMBARRASSMENTS AT WESTMINSTER. 


321 


nor was he hindered in his rides abroad, although chap. 
several of the more questionable attendants were dis- ■— -r— 
charged and others substituted. The little court at 
Hampton, therefore, was not 4 so merrie as formerly, 
from the new face of things at Putney and West¬ 
minster,’ wrote one of the courtiers from thence. 

The Parliament was in no envious position at this 
moment. Besides the failure of negotiations with the 
King, they had forced upon them for consideration 
by the army a proposal to put an end to their sittings 
on September 1 following, and a new Parliament to 
be elected in its stead, which should assemble bien¬ 
nially. The Scots also chose this period to embarrass 
them as much as possible with the King. Their 
commissioners had for some time past been present 
at Hampton Court, endeavouring to undermine the 
authority and influence of Westminster, by promises 
of support if his Majesty would break with them 
and accede to their proposals. 

4 The kingdom of Scotland demands, 7 wrote the 
Scots’ commissioners to the Parliament, early in 
November, 4 to express their resentment at the re¬ 
moval of his Majesty from Holmby. . . . 

c Finding the King still kept under the power of 
the army, we desire to know the certainty of his 
Majesty’s condition; and that the King be invited 
to London, and not under the power and restraint of 
the soldiers.’ 

Meanwhile the army leaders, Fairfax and Cromwell, 
fell in for their share of the abuse and scurrility 
which abounded in the wretched public prints of that 
day. 4 Fairfax,’ says the 4 Mercurius Elenctious ’ 

Y 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 

of October 29, 4 hath removed his head-quarters— 
for aught I know, the next news may be, that his 
quarters may be removed from his head. . . . Look 
about, there are Feltons in the army very near 
his bosom. ... As for Cromwell, he’s as short- 
breathed as a mill-horse; if mercy prevent him from 
a stab let him acknowledge it—he’s many grains too 
light—full of dross fit for purging, A brewer’s 
horse will be ere long with him of more value than 
a royal steed.’ One of these scribblers designated 
him as 4 Pontius Pilate Cromwell,’ and John Lilburn, 
of 4 dry vines ’ notoriety, writing about the bountiful 
care Oliver had taken of his relations in the army, 
says— 

4 The lieutenant-general has one son, a captain in the 
general’s Life-Guards; another son captain of a troop 
in Colonel Harrison’s regiment ; his brother-in-law, 
Desborough, is a colonel of the general’s regiment 
of horse; his son-in-law, Ireton, commissary-general 
of horse; Ireton’s brother, quarter-master-general of 
horse; cousin Whalley, colonel of horse; and Wlialley’s 
brother, judge-advocate.’ 

4 These are the days,’ says another writer, in full 
poetic strain, when— 

Thieves do walk in golden chains, 

And pickpockets pass for statesmen! 

4 Cromwell,’ writes another, 4 the Scots intend to have 
whipped through the malt market, with a bag of hops 
to his tail.’ 

The next act of the King was marked by the same 
fatality which had ever attended all his unfortunate 
movements. If the step he adopted of seeking an 




THE KING ESCAPES PROM HAMPTON COURT. 


323 


asylum in the Scots’ army led to his subsequent 
embarrassment with the Parliament, the one his 
Majesty now took in secretly withdrawing from 
Hampton Court was fraught with more fatal results. 

Untaught by past experience to regulate his pro¬ 
ceedings with some regard to ordinary prudence and 
forethought in the event of failure, each step he took, 
every decision he arrived at, served only to render 
his position more complicated than the one which pre¬ 
ceded it. All chance was destroyed, all hope aban¬ 
doned, of ever being able to come to satisfactory 
terms with him as a consequence of this last move¬ 
ment. Confidence was gone. c The royal word ! why 
not trust it? ’ had been pawned over and over again, 
until it had become a bye-word. It is for ever to be 
regretted that the opportunity he now had of escaping 
beyond sea had not been seized; with a little better 
arrangement the thing was perfectly practicable; but 
infirmity of purpose in this, as in every other import¬ 
ant crisis of his life, betrayed itself. 

It had transpired that for some time past the King’s 
suspicions had been aroused of some unseen danger 
threatening his life at Hampton Court. Spies had 
been observed loitering in the neighbourhood of the 
palace ; poison or assassination, it was whispered, was 
intended. Some such rumour appears to have reached 
Cromwell at Putney; for early in November he wrote 
to Colonel Whalley, the officer in charge, as follows:— 

4 There are rumours abroad of some intended at¬ 
tempt on his Majesty’s person. Therefore I pray 
have a care of your guards. If any such thing should 
be done, it would be accounted a most horrid act.’ 

Y 2 


CHAP. 

XI. 

1647 



324 


CHAP. 

XI. 


1647 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 

Clarendon mentions that 4 every day secret billets, 
advertising him of designs against his life, were 
received by the King.’ 

It appears that on the day fixed for the escape, 
namely November 11, the King feigned indisposition 
and retired early to his room, where he busily occupied 
himself in writing letters, which were subsequently 
found on the table. 

When the usual hour for supper had long passed, 
the King not making his appearance, the officers in 
attendance became alarmed. They were reluctant at 
first to go into the room or disturb him; but at length, 
when it was getting towards midnight, they rapped at 
the door, and not receiving any answer, entered, when 
it was discovered that the King had fled down the back 
stairs, with Ashburnham and Legge, two of his confi¬ 
dential attendants, and so to the garden gate, where 
horses had been kept in waiting : thus the King got 
clear off. Riding swiftly all through the night, they 
reached the New Forest early the next day. . Now 
came the critical part of the adventure. The King 
asked Ashburnham ‘where the ships lay ?’ None, 
however, were to be seen in the offing, and it is 
doubtful if one had ever been provided. ALshburnham 
made a show of seeking the vessel, but returned 
shortly after without success. 

In this dilemma it was decided to visit a friendly 
mansion in the neighbourhood, belonging to Lord 
Southampton. They did so, and there it was dis¬ 
cussed what was next to be done. Ashburton ad¬ 
vised the King to go to the Isle of Wight and trust 
himself with the governor, to which the King at 



PERPLEXITY IN CONSEQUENCE OF FAILURE. 


325 


length consented, conditionally, we are told, that a 
promise should first be obtained from the governor 
that on no consideration was he to be given up to 
the Parliament or to the army. 

Ashburnham having gained the King’s consent, 
started off for the island. 

It is most inexplicable how his Majesty—who must 
have known the antecedents of the governor, and his 
attachment by ties of friendship, no less than of rela¬ 
tionship, to Cromwell—should have consented to sur¬ 
render himself to the governor of Carisbrook Castle. 
Colonel Hammond had married a daughter of John 
Hampden, Cromwell’s kinsman. 

On that morning Hammond happened to be taking 
a solitary ride on horseback, in the island, when pre¬ 
sently two gentlemen overtook him, and one of them 
said that the King was near at hand and would be 
with the Colonel by night. 

They also told him his Majesty had escaped from 
Hampton Court, and was willing to trust his person 
into the governor’s hands, relying on his honour not 
to betray him into the hands of the army or the 
Parliament. These gentlemen were Ashburnham 
and Sir John Berkley. Much surprised, Hammond 
replied that he would endeavour to do the King all the 
service that lay in his power, as a subordinate officer 
bound to obey those whose servant he was. They 
failed, however, in obtaining any distinct promise 
from him. To the inquiry where the King was at 
that moment, they answered by inviting him to 
accompany them to his Majesty, so they went together 
to the house of Lord Southampton. 


CHAP. 

XI. 

1647 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


Arrived at the mansion, Hammond remained out¬ 
side, whilst Ashburnham went in to acquaint the 
King of the governor’s arrival. Iiis Majesty anxiously 
demanded if they had first obtained the promise? 
Ashburnham replied in the negative, when the King 
cried out, 4 0 Jack, thou hast undone me ! ’ At this 
exclamation Ashburnham burst into tears, and be¬ 
came greatly excited, offering to go to Hammond and 
kill him on the spot, which the King would by no 
means hear of. At a subsequent interview with 
Hammond, the King could obtain no better terms 
than an offer to conduct him with all safety and 
respect to Carisbrook Castle, a course—the only one 
in fact open to him—the King adopted. 1 

Meanwhile, all was confusion and dismay at 
Hampton Court. 

On the discovery of the King’s escape, information 
was quickly dispatched to Cromwell, who proceeded 
in all haste to the Palace, from whence the folio win 2 : 
hasty letter was dispatched to the Speaker:— ' 


‘Hampton Court: twelve at night, Nov. 11, 1647. 

4 Sir, . . . Majesty . . . withdrawn himself . . . 
at nine o’clock. 

4 The manner is variously reported; and we will 
say little of it at present, but that his Majesty was 
expected at supper, when the commissioners and 
Colonel Whalley missed him, upon which they en¬ 
tered the room. They found his Majesty had left his 
cloak behind him in the gallery in the private way. 


1 Rapin. 


THE KING A PRISONER IN CARISBROOK CASTLE. 


327 


He passed by the back stairs and the vault towards chap. 
the water-side. -— 

4 He left some letters upon the table in his with¬ 
drawn! g-room, of his own hand-writing; whereof 
one was to the commissioners of Parliament attend¬ 
ing him, to be communicated to both Houses. 

‘ Oliver Cromwell.’ 1 

Great consternation followed the reading of this 
letter. Colonel Whalley, the messenger, was called 
in, and made a particular relation of all the circum¬ 
stances of the King’s escape from Hampton Court. 

Of his whereabout the Parliament were not long 
kept in ignorance; for, fast as horse could fly with 
the intelligence, there came, from the governor of the 
Isle of Wight, the welcome news of his Majesty’s 
safe custody. 

It was ordered by the House that the 4 King be 
kept in the Castle of Carisbrook, and that no in¬ 
habitant who had been in arms against the Parlia¬ 
ment be suffered to remain in the island.’ 

There was no longer any occasion for the head¬ 
quarters of the army to continue at Putney, now 
that the King was gone, so a week later they were 
removed to Windsor. In a letter written by Crom¬ 
well to Hammond, in answer to one received from 
the Colonel, shortly after the occurrence of the events 
just narrated, we glean the following interesting 
particulars:— 

4 Now blessed be God, I can write and thou receive 
freely. I never in my life saw more deep sense and 


1 Commons’ Journals. 




328 


CHAP. 

XI. 


1647 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 

less will to show it unchristianly than in that which 
thou didst write to us when we were at Windsor, 
and thou in the midst of thy temptation, which, in¬ 
deed, by what we understand of it, was a great 
one. 

4 How good has God been to dispose all to mercy ! 
and although it was a trouble for the present, yet 
glory has come out of it; for which we praise the 
Lord with thee and for thee. And truly thy car¬ 
riage has been such as occasions much honour to the 
name of God and to religion. Go on in the strength 
of the Lord, and the Lord will still be with thee. 

4 Dear Robin, this business has been I trust a 
mighty providence to this poor kingdom and to us 
all. The House of Commons is very sensible of the 
King’s dealings, and of our brethren’s in this late 
transaction. You should do well, if you have any¬ 
thing that may discover juggling, to search it out 
and let us know it. It may be of admirable use at 
this time, because we shall, I hope, instantly go upon 
business in relation to them tending to prevent 
danger. 

4 Let us know how it is with you in point of 
strength. Some of us think the King well with you, 
and that it concerns us to keep that island in great 
security, because of the French. And if so, where 
can the King be better? If you have more force 
you will be sure of full provision for them.’ 

One of the letters found on the King’s table, 
addressed to the Parliament, was to the following 
effect:—Liberty being in all times the aim and desire 
of all men, he had endeavoured to obtain his. He 





his majesty’s letter to the parliament. 


329 


called God to witness with what patience he had chap. 
endured a tedious restraint, among men who changed '—V— 
their principles with their condition—who were not 
ashamed openly to intend the destruction of the 
nobility by taking away their negative voice , and with 
whom the leveller's doctrine was rather countenanced 
than punished. That he thought he was bound, as 
well by natural as political obligations, to seek his 
safety, by retiring himself for some time from public 
view, both of his friends, and enemies. But he 
should earnestly and unceasingly endeavour the 
settling of a safe and well-grounded peace wherever 
he was. Finally, he desired to be heard with free¬ 
dom, honour, and safety; and then he would instantly 
break through his cloud of retirement, and show 
himself ready to be pater patriae. 


330 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAPTER XII. 

Altered Sentiments towards tlie King on the part of Cromwell, conse¬ 
quent on liis Majesty’s Escape from Hampton Court—The King in 
Confinement at Carisbrook Castle—His Majesty does not yet realize 
his Position—Dictates Terms to the Parliament—Commissioners sent 
to Carisbrook—Another Misunderstanding with the Scots, who also 
send Commissioners—Duplicity of the King in the Negotiations which 
ensued—A Clandestine Agreement with the Scots concluded—Dis¬ 
turbance at Newport quelled by Hammond—The personal Liberty of 
the King restricted, and his Attendants discharged—Recent Dangers 
induce to Harmony the Parliament and the Army—Commissioners 
sent to Head-quarters—Amicable Arrangements entered upon—Adju¬ 
tant Allen’s Account of the Interview—Its Results—Cromwell’s Speech 
in the House—Gloomy Court at Carisbrook on learning the Issue 
of the Conference—Severity shown to the King’s Adherents at the 
Isle of Wight—More Restrictions and Privations to the royal Prisoner 
—Army Grievances still suffered to continue—The Soldiers resort to 
Violence in some Places—Scarcity of Money in the Parliament Ex¬ 
chequer—Fines on Delinquents—Cromwell in the Spring of 1648- 
residing in Drury Lane—Richard Cromwell—Oliver’s Letter to 
Norton in reference to his Son’s Marriage—Marriage Settlements 
Letter to General Fairfax—Parliament settles a Pension on Cromwell 
—He relinquishes it in favour of Ireland. 

There can be very little doubt that from the time of 
the King’s escape to the Isle of Wight Cromwell’s 
sentiments towards his Majesty underwent an un¬ 
favourable change. Hitherto he had attached some 
importance, and placed some reliance, on the 4 word 
of a king: ’ henceforth, we shall see nothing but un¬ 
mitigated mistrust bordering upon hatred: con¬ 
fidence gone, hope abandoned, and a gloomy deep- 
rooted incurable conviction that, so far as his Majesty 
was concerned, the day of negotiation had passed 
away for ever. 


CHAP. 

XII. 

1648 



ROYAL BLINDNESS AND INFATUATION. 


331 


Short of infatuation, the perverse blindness of the chap. 
King to the consequences of his own acts appears '—•— 
unaccountable. 4 Those whom the gods intend to 
destroy, they strike with madness/ says the heathen 
proverb. 

Shortly after arriving at Carisbrook Castle, he 
dictated terms to the Parliament, in which he, a 
prisoner, yet 4 every inch a king/ adopts the style of 
a conqueror and says that, 4 being where he conceives 
himself in a place of more freedom and security, he 
thinks it necessary at this time to offer such grounds 
as may lead to the speedy procuring of a peace.’ He 
then dilates on the sanctity of his 4 coronation oath, 
which prevents him from consenting to the abolition 
of the hierarchy/ yet is willing to violate the con¬ 
stitution in other matters which he had equally 
sworn by the same oath to maintain. His honour 
and conscience prevented him from alienating the 
church lands, because it was sacrilege; yet he would 
agree that the Presbyterian form of Church Govern¬ 
ment, as it then existed, should remain for a term of 
three years, provided that his Majesty and those who 
thought with him were not required to conform 
thereto. Plis conscience, moreover, was sufficiently 
elastic to tolerate the continuance of the assembly of 
divines at Westminster, providing twenty other per¬ 
sons of his own nomination were added to the num¬ 
ber; but non-elastic in reference to the bishops, who 
must be continued in perpetuity, notwithstanding 
the prejudices of the dominant dissenters to the con¬ 
trary. The royal conscience, in short, suffered two 
distinct and opposite convictions at one and the same 


332 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

XII. 

1648 


moment; and what he thought good for the nation at 
large to follow, was not, he considered, equally bene¬ 
ficial to himself. As to the militia, he was willing to 
leave the control of it in the hands of Parliament for 
the remainder of his reign—a period it was in his 
power by abdicating to shorten—when it would again 
revert to the Crown. 

The Parliament took no notice of these proposals. 
They, however, dispatched commissioners to the 
King, with instructions that a personal treaty would 
follow on his Majesty’s acquiescence to the following 
acts: namely, to settle the militia in the power of 
the Parliament, to continue in force for twenty years; 
to legalise all past opposition of the Parliament, and 
condonement for all who had joined in the struggle; 
to deprive all peers created since 1642 of their seats 
in the House of Lords; and finally, an act empower¬ 
ing the two Houses to adjourn whenever they chose. 

These propositions gave rise to a misunderstanding 
with the Scots, who objected that the Parliament of 
England had thereby endeavoured to procure a sepa¬ 
rate peace in violation of the Covenant. They em¬ 
bodied their objections in most offensive terms, in a 
paper which the two Houses resented; and the printer 
of the Scots’ declaration was committed to prison. 
The next step was a still more hostile demonstration 
on the part of the Scots, for they dispatched com¬ 
missioners to the Isle of Wight, who arrived about 
the same time as those from the English Parliament. 

The duplicity of the King was exhibited at this 
period in a remarkable manner by what ensued. 
There were before him two proposals for peace, his 
own to the Parliament and theirs to his Majesty, to 


DUPLICITY OF THE KING. 


333 


neither of which had any answer been given; yet no chap. 
sooner had the Scots made their appearance than the 
King, disregarding all preceding negotiations, pro- 1648 
ceeded to make secret terms with the Scots’ commis¬ 
sioners, which were signed four days after their arrival. 

No sooner had this been done than the Parliamentary 
commissioners were dismissed with a refusal. 

A glance at this celebrated document discloses the 
secret object of this new combination on the part of 
the King and the commissioners from Scotland. 
Nothing less than the subjugation of the army, the 
Parliament, and the English nation, to the King’s au¬ 
thority, by the united forces of the Scots’ army and 
the Cavaliers, was contemplated. This accomplished, 
all the different sects, including Baptists, Brownists, 
Separatists, and Independents, were to be suppressed. 

State toleration on religious matters was to extend 
only to the Presbyterian form of worship; that alone 
was to continue supreme for a period of three years; 
his Majesty meanwhile consenting to the Covenant. 

The Church of England was not, however, to be abo¬ 
lished, but only kept in abeyance, and left unmolested 
and free to all who prefer her liturgy. 

The Scots’ commissioners continued for some days 
at Carisbrook Castle after the agreement had been 
signed: and their influence in the councils of the 
King was soon perceptible; for shortly after, a mutiny 
broke out in the neighbouring town of Newport, 
among the Cavaliers, headed by one Captain Barley, 
a person who had been permitted to attend upon his 
Majesty. By the energetic exertions of the governor, 
however, it was soon trampled out, and the ringleaders 
taken prisoners. These events happening almost 


334 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

XII. 


1648 


simultaneously—namely, the rejection of the Parlia¬ 
ment’s proposals, the secret agreement with the Scots, 
and the mutiny at Newport—were quickly reported to 
Westminster and the head-quarters of the army, 
where they produced much anxiety and exasperation, 
which ultimately reacted most unfavourably in re¬ 
ference to his Majesty, for henceforth he was deprived 
of those attendants he preferred. Berkley and Ash¬ 
burton also were banished; his chaplains, Dr. Shelden 
and Hammond, were removed; a strong guard was 
placed round the castle, and martial law declared in 
the island; whilst Eainsborough, with the British 
fleet, cruised round the coast; and a large armed force 
arrived, which was placed under the command of the 
governor. 

But more momentous consequences than those just 
enumerated resulted; and, as is often the case, the pre¬ 
sence of a greater evil conduced more to bring about 
an amicable arrangement between the Parliament and 
the army than reason or argument had been able to 
effect; for no sooner had these powers become aware 
of what was transpiring at Carisbrook, than a sense 
of mutual danger induced them to forego all past dif¬ 
ferences, and to bring about the timely union of 
these two powerful and latterly antagonistic parties. 
The first advance in this direction was made by the 
Parliament. Early in January they dispatched com¬ 
missioners to the head-quarters at Windsor, who were 
received with great respect and distinction. During 
this visit, which lasted three days, a satisfactory ex¬ 
planation of the recent votes was given and accepted. 
Confidence was thus again restored, and we are told 



AGREEMENT BETWEEN THE PARLIAMENT AND THE ARMY. 


335 


‘ the agreement was sweet and comfortable ; the whole chap. 
matter of the kingdom being left with the Parliament.’ 

Before taking their departure, Cromwell, Ireton, 1648 
and the chief officers, dined with the commissioners, 
and the Castle ordnance gave them a parting salute 
of twenty-five guns as their vessel left the shore. 

An account of what took place at this conference, 
written by one Adjutant Allen, and published some 
years later, being somewhat remarkable, deserves in¬ 
sertion. 

‘In the year 1647,’ says the writer, ‘we in the 
army were engaged in actions of a very high nature, 
leading us to very untrodden paths, both in our 
conferences with the King and in our contests with 
the Parliament. In which great works, wanting a 
spirit of faith, and also the fear of the Lord ; and also 
being unduly surprised with the fear of man, which 
always brings a snare, we, to make haste as we 
thought, out of such perplexities, measuring our way 
by a wisdom of our own, fell into treaties with the 
King and his party, which proved such a snare to us, 
and led into such labyrinths by the end of that year, 
that the very things we thought to avoid by the 
means we used of our own devising were all, with 
many more of a far worse and more perplexing nature, 
brought back upon us ; to the overwhelming of our 
spirit, weakening of our hands and hearts; filling us 
with divisions, confusions, tumults, and every evil 
work, and thereby endangering the ruin of our blessed 
cause, we had with such success been prospered 
in till that time. 

‘For now the King and his party, seeing us not 


336 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

XII. 


1648 


answer their ends, began to provide for themselves by 
a treaty with the then Parliament, set on foot about 
the beginning of ’Forty-eight. The Parliament, also, 
was displeased with us for what we had done both as 
to the King and themselves. The good people, likewise, 
even our most cordial friends in the nation, beholding 
our turning aside from the path of simplicity we had 
formerly walked in, and been blessed in, and thereby 
much endeared in their hearts, began now to fear 

and withdraw their affections from us. 

4 The King and his party prepare accordingly to 
ruin all by sudden insurrections in most parts of the 
nation. ... We, in the army, in a low, weak 
divided, perplexed, condition, in all respects as afore¬ 
said ; some of us judging it a duty to lay down our 
arms to quit our stations, and put ourselves in the ca¬ 
pacity of private men, since what we have done was 
not accepted by them. Some also even encouraged 
themselves and us to such a thing by urging for such 
a practice the example of our Lord Jesus, who when 
he had borne an eminent testimony to the pleasure of 
His Father, sealed it at last by His sufferings, which 
was presented to us as our pattern for imitation. 
Others of us, however, were different-minded, thinking 
something of another nature might yet be further our 
duty; and these, therefore, were by the good hand of 
the Lord led to this result, viz. to go solemnly, to 
search out our own iniquities, and humble our souls 
before the Lord in the sense of the same: which we 
were persuaded had provoked the Lord against us, 
bringing such sad perplexities upon us at that day, out 
of which we saw no way else to extricate ourselves. 




CONFERENCE AT WINDSOR. 


337 


4 Accordingly we did agree to meet at Windsor chap. 

XII 

Castle, about the beginning of ’Forty-eight. And W— 
there we spent one day together in prayer, inquiring 
into the causes of that sad dispensation, coming to 
no farther result that day; and on the morrow we 
met again, where many spake from the Word and 
prayed; and then Lieutenant-General Cromwell did 
press very earnestly on all there present to a thorough 
consideration of our actions as an army, and of our 
ways particularly as private Christians, to see if any 
iniquity could be found in them, and what it was, 
that if possible we might find out, and so remove the 
cause of such sad rebukes as were upon us. 

4 And the more particularly the Lord led us to 
herein was this: to look back and consider what 
time it was when, with joint satisfaction, we could 
last say, to the best of our judgments, the presence 
of the Lord was amongst us, and when rebukes and 
judgments were not as then upon us. Which time 
the Lord led us to find out and agree in; and having 
done so, to proceed, as we then judged it our duty, 
to search into all our public actions as an army after¬ 
wards, duly weighing (as the Lord helped us) each 
of them with their grounds, rules, and ends as near 
as we could. And so we concluded this second day 
with agreeing to meet again on the morrow, which 
accordingly we did upon the same occasion. 

4 By which means we were led to find out the very 
steps by which we had departed from the Lord and pro¬ 
voked Him to depart from us; which we found to be 
those cursed carnal conferences our own conceited 
wisdom, our fears, and want of faith, had prompted us 

z 


338 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

XII. 


1G48 


the year before to entertain with the King and his 
party. And at this time and on this occasion did we 
make use of that good Word, Proverbs First and 
Twenty-third, 44 Turn you at my reproof : benold / 
will pour out my spirit unto you; I will make known 
my words unto you Which we, having found out 
our sin, our duty was urged us from those words. 
And the Lord so accompanied by His spirit that it 
had a kindly effect like a word of His upon most of 
our breasts that were then present; which begot in 
us a great sense of shame and loathing of ourselves 
for our iniquities, and a justifying of the Lord as 
righteous in His proceedings against us. 

4 And in this path the Lord led us not only to see our 
sin, but also our duty; and this so unanimously set 
with weight upon each heart that none was able hardly 
to speak a word to each other for bitter weeping, 
partly in the sense and shame of our iniquities, of 
our unbelief, base fear of men, and carnal consultations 
with our own wisdoms and not with the word of the 
Lord—which only is a way of wisdom, strength, 
and safety; and all besides it are ways of snares. 

4 And yet we were also helped, with fear and 
trembling, to rejoice in the Lord, whose faithfulness 
and loving-kindness we were made to see, who no 
sooner brought us to His feet, acknowledging Him, 
but He did direct our steps, and presently we were 
led and helped to a clear agreement amongst our¬ 
selves, not any dissenting: That it was the duty of 
our day, with the forces we had, to go out and fight 
against those potent enemies, which that year, in all 
places, appeared against us, with an humble confidence 



RESULTS OF THE CONFERENCE. 


339 


in the name of the Lord only, that we should destroy 
them. And we were then also enabled, after serious 
seeking His face, to come to a very clear and joint 
resolution,- on many grounds at large there debated 
amongst us: That it was our duty, if ever the Lord 
brought us back again in peace, to call Charles Stuart, 
that man of blood, to an account for that blood he had 
shed, and mischief he had done to his utmost against 
the Lord’s cause and people in these poor nations. 

‘ And how the Lord led and prospered us in all 
our undertakings that year in this way, cutting His 
work short, in righteousness—making it a year of 
mercy equal, if not transcendent, to any since these 
wars began ; and making it worthy of remembrance 
by every gracious soul, who was wise to observe the 
Lord, and the operations of His hands—I wish may 
never be forgotten.’ 

And now, having seen by the foregoing narrative 
how deeply the army leaders were moved by the 
urgency of their position, let us glance for a moment 
at the results of their deliberations which had been 
so solemnly inaugurated. It was decided that the 
army should be entirely re-modelled. There were to 
be more officers, less pay, and fewer inefficient 
soldiers. No more addresses to the King. And it was 
noted in the two Houses that, for the future, it should 
be treason to address the King, or to receive letters 
or messages from him. The committee sitting at 
Derby House, composed of peers and members, was 
to be the sole manager 4 in a private way ’ of the 
affairs of State. The army council also declared 
their determination to 4 maintain the peerage and 


CHAP. 

XII. 

1648 


z 2 


340 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

XII. 

1648" 


stand up for their support.’ These resolutions, en¬ 
dorsed by the Parliament, were ordered to be sent 
into every county; and the penalty for non-com¬ 
pliance was confiscation of property. 

In the debate, Cromwell observed:— 

4 That the King was a man of great parts, and 
great understanding; but that he was so great a dis¬ 
sembler, and so false a man, that he was not to be 
trusted. That whilst he professed with all solemnity 
that he referred himself wholly to the Parliament, 
and depended only upon their wisdom and counsel 
for the settlement and composing the distractions of 
the kingdom, he had at the same time secret treaties 
with the Scottish commissioners, how he might 
embroil the nation in a new war, and destroy the 
Parliament. He concluded that they might no fur¬ 
ther trouble themselves with sending messages to 
him, or further propositions; but that they might 
enter upon those counsels which were necessary 
towards the settlement of the kingdom, without 
having further recourse to the King.’ 

The little court at Carisbrook, on learning how 
matters were in accord between the Parliament and 
the army, became somewhat gloomy and desponding. 
Nor had the King and his attendants long to wait for 
the consequences which ensued. Captain Barley, or 
Burleigh, was the first victim; being tried by court- 
martial, found guilty, and sentenced to death, he was 
speedily executed. The King’s attendants, those at 
least who had made themselves conspicuous in the 
late disturbance, were summarily ejected from the 
castle, to the great indignation of his Majesty, who, 


MELANCHOLY COURT AT CARISBROOK CASTLE. 


341 


says Whitelock, sent for the governor and demanded chap. 
his authority for sending them away. 'Hammond XIL —' 

replied that he had the authority of both Houses. U,4S 
The King then demanded the cause, to which the 
governor replied, that it was in consequence of his 
Majesty being acted upon by other and unfriendly 
counsels. His Majesty is said to have replied, c If 
my people have a mind to be slaves, let them; they 
shall never be so by any act of mine.’ His adherents 
took leave with much sadness and tears; Master Ash- 
burnham cried outright. 

The selection of attendants chosen by the governor 
in place of those discharged gave great offence to his 
Majesty. The security of his person being princi¬ 
pally in view, Messrs. Herbert, Mildmay, Titus, and 
Preston, were the men chosen for this office. In a 
letter from the island, written shortly after, we are 
told, 4 The King is very much broken of late, and 
discontented at Maule, Murray, and Anstey being 
taken from him, and is unwilling to have Herbert and 
Harrison as bed-chamber officers. He will not have 
his head or beard meddled with by any, unless by a 
barber of his own choosing.’ 

Retrenchment in the number of his household was 
accompanied by other reductions. 4 His Majesty’s 
dishes are brought down from twenty to sixteen at 
a meal, and his Majesty is much overgrown with 
hair,’ writes another correspondent; whilst a third, 
evidently no partizan, remarks, 1 Melancholy court, 
indeed. Walking the round is the daily recreation; 
the governor’s vigilance is admirable. Rainsborough 
is at Cowes with eight brave ships.’ 


342 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

XII. 


1648 


Before entering upon the period of the second 
civil war, there are one or two matters to dispose of: 
one in reference to Cromwell’s domestic life, though 
not in strictly chronological order; and another con¬ 
cerning the army arrears, the narration of which 
would otherwise interfere with more important 
events. 

The old grievances complained of by the army 
were still suffered to continue. City loans were as 
difficult to negotiate as ever, and money could not 
be had to enable the soldiers to discontinue the ob¬ 
noxious system of free quarters. Symptoms of re¬ 
sorting to a more summary process had begun to 
show themselves in some places, where isolated de¬ 
tachments of the army had been stationed. At 
Bristol, for instance, some soldiers seized the person 
of a wealthy alderman, as he was walking home, and 
would not part with him until he had given them a 
month’s pay. Similar violence was shown elsewhere. 
Pecuniary affairs were no better off in Ireland, nay 
worse, for in February Colonel Jones wrote to the 
Parliament that his army had been obliged to leave 
the field because they had c neither corn nor clothes.’ 
The taxes which had been levied on London to meet 
these demands were resisted by the people, and 
a violent disturbance took place in Fleet Street, on 
attempting to collect the arrears in that neighbour¬ 
hood. Delinquents’ fines and ecclesiastical confisca¬ 
tions, from sheer exhaustion, no longer contributed 
to the national exchequer. Wealthy offenders against 
the Parliament, however, were made to pay heavily, 
and their entire property could only escape confisca- 



HEAVY FINES LEVIED ON DELINQUENTS. 


343 


tion by a submission to enormous exactions. Judge 
Jenkins being impeached, escaped by paying a large 
fine; and the late Lord Mayor, Sir John Greer, for 
refusing to kneel when brought to the bar of the 
House of Commons, was fined 500/. Two other 
offending aldermen, Messrs. Bunce and Adams, were 
also fined 500/. each, and sent to the Tower, for re¬ 
fusing to acknowledge the right of the Parliament to 
try them. Little, if any, however, of this money 
found its way into the pockets of the soldiers, for the 
Scots were now clamorous for their arrears, and it 
was politic to keep them in good humour by paying 
them. It may, therefore, be concluded that, through¬ 
out the second civil war, the army depended for its 
maintenance altogether on forced exactions levied on 
the unfortunate locality wherever it found itself; the 
burthen for the most part falling unequally and 
chiefly on the poor, who resided in country villages 
and hamlets, whilst the inhabitants of cities or towns 
escaped comparatively free by reason of their ability 
to protect themselves. 

During the spring of 1648 Cromwell appears to 
have resided mostly in London, probably in Drury 
Lane. Three or four of his letters have been pre¬ 
served, written during this season, but they contain 
no information on this point. An interesting glimpse 
of him, and of the cool matter-of-fact manner mar¬ 
riages were arranged 200 years ago, is afforded in the 
following letter, written by Cromwell to his friend 
Norton, in reference to Cromwell’s eldest son, 
Richard, now in his twenty-second year:— 


CHAP. 

XII. 


1648 



LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


1 London: Feb. 20, 1648. 

4 Dear Norton,— I have sent my son over to thee, 
being willing to answer Providence; and although I 
had an offer of a very great proposition from a father, 
of his daughter, yet truly, I rather incline to this in 
my thoughts; because, though the other be very far 
greater, yet I see difficulties and not that assurance 
of godliness—though indeed of fairness. I confess 
that which is told me concerning the estate of Mr. M. 
is more than I can look for, as things now stand. 

If God please to bring it about, the consideration of 
piety in the parents, and such hopes of the gentle¬ 
woman in that respect, make the business to me of 
great mercy, concerning which I desire to wait upon 
God. I am confident of thy love, and desire things 
may be carried with privacy. The Lord do His will 
that’s best; to which submitting, I rest 

4 Your humble servant, 

4 Oliver Cromwell.’ 

A month later we have another epistle, and this 
time it is 4 Dear Dick,’ instead of 4 Dear Norton.’ 
Colonel Richard Norton was a Hampshire gentleman, 
which county he represented in Parliament. They 
had known each other in gone-by years, when serving 
together under the Earl of Manchester. 

Cromwell appears to have had some business to 
settle in the same county, for he writes from Farn- 
ham, March 28, as follows:— 

; It had been a favour, indeed, to have met you 
here at Farnham. But I hear you are a man of 
great business, therefore I say no more. If it be a 



MARHIAGE SETTLEMENT FOR RICHARD CROMWELL. 


345 


favour to the House of Commons to enjoy yon, what chap. 
is it to me ? But, in good earnest, when will you and 
your brother Russell be a little honest and attend 1648 
your charge there? Surely some expect it; espe¬ 
cially the good fellows who chose you! 

‘ I have met with Mr. Mayor (the Mr. M. of the 
previous letter, and the father of the young lady in 
question) : we spent two or three hours together last 
night. I perceive the gentleman is very wise and 
honest, and, indeed, much to be valued. Some things 
of common fame did a little stick. I gladly heard his 
doubts, and gave such answer as was next at hand, 

I believe to some satisfaction. Nevertheless, I ex¬ 
ceedingly liked the gentleman’s plainness and free 
dealing with me. I have no cause to complain. I 
know God has been above all ill reports, and will in 
His own time vindicate me. I see nothing but that 
this particular business between him and me may go 
on. The Lord’s will be done.’ 

Shortly after, Cromwell wrote again to his friend, 
giving fuller particulars of his interview with Mr. 

Mayor, in which he says:— 

1 1 could not in my last give you a perfect account 
of what passed between me and Mr. Mayor, because 
we were to have a conclusion of our speech that 
morning after I wrote my letter to you; which we 
had. And having had a full view of one another’s 
minds we parted with this: that both would con¬ 
sider with our relations, and according to satisfaction 
given there, acquaint one another with our minds. . . . 

1 The things insisted upon were these, as I take it. 

Mr. Mayor desires 400/. per annum of inheritance, 



346 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, lying in Cambridgeshire and Norfolk, to be presently 
—settled and be for maintenance; wherein I desired to 
1648 be advised by my wife. I offered the land in Hamp¬ 
shire for present maintenance, which I dare say, with 
copses and ordinary fells, will be, communibus annis , 
500?. per annum ; and besides, 500?. per annum in 
tenants’ hands holding but for one life; and about 
300?. per annum , some for two lives, some for three 
lives. But as to this—if the latter offer be not liked 
of—I shall be willing a farther conference be held in 
[reference to] the first. 

4 In point of jointure I shall give satisfaction. . . . 
In what else was demanded of me I am willing, so 
far as I remember any demand was, to give satis¬ 
faction. Only I, having been informed by Mr. 
Robinson that Mr. Mayor did, upon a former match, 
offer to settle the manor wherein he lived, and to 
give 2,000?. in money, I did insist upon that, and to 
desire that it may not be, with difficulty. The 
money I shall need for my two little wenches, and 
thereby I shall free my son from being charged with 
them. Mr. Mayor parts with nothing at present but 
that money; except the board , which I should not be 
unwilling to give them, to enjoy the comfort of their 
society ’—which it’s reason he smart for if he will rob 
me altogether of them. . . . 

4 1 thought fit to give you this account, desiring you 
to make such use as God shall direct you ; and I 
doubt not you will do the part of a friend between 
two friends. I account myself one. I have heard 
you say Mr. Mayor was entirely so to you. What 
the good pleasure of God is I shall wait; there alone 
is rest.’ He then adds, in a postscript:— 


CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN NORTON AND CROMWELL. 


347 


c I desire you to carry this business with all pri- chap. 
vacy. I beseech you to do so, as you love me. Let 
me entreat you not to lose a day herein, that I may 1648 
know Mr. Mayor’s mind; for I think I may be at 
leisure for a week to attend this business, to give 
and take satisfaction, from which perhaps I may be 
shut up afterwards by employment. I know thou 
art an idle fellow, but prithee neglect me not now; 
delay may be very inconvenient to me. I much 
rely upon you. Let me hear from you in two or 
three days. I confess the principal consideration as 
to me is the absolute settlement of the manor where 
he lives ; which he would not do but conditionally 
in case they have a son, and but 3,000/. in case they 
have no son.’ 

From this extract it will be seen that Oliver was not 
a bad hand at making a matrimonial bargain for his 
son. The manor, 4 unconditionally,’ seems a very one¬ 
sided affair, especially so on Mr. Mayor’s hypothesis of 
no son being born to inherit. Richard Cromwell, be it 
remembered, was all but a cipher in the family, and 
his antecedents and subsequent history have shown 
that Oliver was not far wrong in the low estimate 
he had formed of his son’s amiable but unenergetic 
character. The 4 two little wenches ’ were Mary and 
Frances Cromwell, at that time eleven and twelve 
years of age respectively. Early days, certainly, to be 
thinking of a provision for them. 

Oliver evidently wanted, without saying as much, 
Norton to act as negotiator with Mayor in this deli¬ 
cate affair; but the 4 idle fellow ’ seems to have been 
unequal to the office, for no more letters appear to 
have passed between them the subject; nor was 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


the matter settled until more than a year had passed, 
when, after much further correspondence, the follow¬ 
ing letter from Cromwell to Mr. Mayor brought the 
marriage contract to a satisfactory termination:— 

( London: April 15, 1649. 

4 For my worthy Friend , Richard Mayor , Esquire , 

these— 

Sir, —Your kinsman, Mr, Barton, and myself, re¬ 
pairing to the counsel for the perfecting of this 
business so much concerning us, did, upon Saturday 
this 15th of April, draw our counsel to a meeting; 
where, upon consideration had of my letter to your¬ 
self, expressing my consent to particulars which Mr. 
Barton brought to your counsel, Mr. Hales of Lin¬ 
coln’s Inn; upon the reading that which expresseth 
the way of your settling Hursley (the manor), your 
kinsman expressed a sense of yours contrary to the 
paper in my hand, as also to that under your hand of 
March 28, which was the same as mine as to that 
particular. 

4 In that which I myself am to do I know nothing 
of doubt, but do agree it all to your kinsman’s satis¬ 
faction. Nor is there much material difference save 

in this.To settle an estate in fee-simple upon 

your daughter after your decease; which Mr. Barton 
affirms not to be your meaning, although he has not 
made this any objection; nor can the words bear it; 
nor have I anything more considerable in lieu of 
what I part with than this. And I have appealed to 
yours, or any counsel in England, whether it be not 
just and equal that I insist thereupon. 


MARRIAGE SETTLEMENT AGREED UPON. 


349 


4 

And this misunderstanding—if it be yours, as it is chap. 
your kinsman’s—put a stop to the business, so that ^J^L. 
our counsel could not proceed until your pleasure 1648 
herein were known. Wherefore it was thought fit to 
desire Mr. Barton to have recourse to you to know 
your mind.Sir, I desire to know what com¬ 

mission your kinsman had to help this doubt by an 
expedient, who denied to have any; but did think it 
were better for you to part with some money and 
keep the power in your own hand, as to the land to 
dispose thereof as you should see cause. Where¬ 
upon an overture was made and himself and your 
counsel desired to draw it up; the effect whereof 
this enclosed paper contains. And although I should 
not like change of agreements, yet to show how 
much I desire the perfecting of this business if you 
like thereof (though this be far the worse bargain), I 
shall submit thereunto, your counsel thinking that 
things may be settled this way with more clearness 
and less intricacy. There is mention made of 900/. 
per annum to be reserved, but it conies to about 
800/.; my lands in Glamorganshire being but little 
above 400/. per annum, and the other 400/. out of 
my manor in Gloucester and Monmouthshire. I wish 
a clear understanding may be between us; truly I 
would not willingly mistake. [So] desiring to wait 
on Providence in this business, I rest, Sir, 

4 Your affectionate friend and servant, 

4 Oliver Cromwell.’ 

The 4 business ’ slightly interrupted by the offi¬ 
cious zeal of this 4 kinsman ’ was, however, finally 



350 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

XII. 

--,——■' 

1648 


adjusted a few days later in Oliver’s favour, and the 
marriage ceremony was solemnized on the May-day 
following at Cheshunt. 

It has been endeavoured, by some writers, to show 
that the coolness between Cromwell and Fairfax, which 
subsequently took place, had already commenced. An 
effectual answer to such a statement is contained in 
the following extracts from a letter of Cromwell’s to 
the general, written from London on March 7 :— 

4 It has pleased God to raise me out of a danger¬ 
ous sickness; and I do most willingly acknowledge 
that the Lord hath, in this visitation, exercised the 
bowels of a Father towards me. I received in myself 
the sentence of death, that I might learn to trust in 
Him that raiseth from the dead, and have no confi¬ 
dence in the flesh. It’s a blessed thing to die daily; 
for what is there in this world to be accounted of! 
The best men, according to the flesh and things, are 
lighter than vanity. I find this only good—to love 
the Lord and His poor despised people, to do for 
them, and to be ready to suffer with them. 

4 Sir, I must thankfully confess your favour in your 
last letter. I see I am not forgotten; and truly to 
be kept in your rememberance is very great satisfac¬ 
tion to me, for I can say, in the simplicity of my 
heart, I put a high and true value upon your love, 
which, when I forget, I shall cease to be a grateful 
and an honest man.’ 

It is noteworthy that, on the day this letter was 
written, the Parliament settled 1,680/. a year on 
Cromwell, out of the delinquent Marquis of Worcester’s 
estate, and 5,000/. per annum on General Fairfax. 



Cromwell’s liberal disposition of iiis pension. 


351 


Cromwell, however, a fortnight later, disposed of chap. 
his interest, in the following act of disinterested 
liberality:— 1648 

c To the Honourable the Committee of Lords and 
Commons for the Affairs of Ireland sitting at Derby 
House . The Offer of Lieutenant-Colonel Cromwell 
for the Service of Ireland. 

4 The two Houses having lately bestowed 1,680/. 
per annum upon me and my heirs out of the Earl of 
Worcester’s estate—the necessity of affairs requiring 
assistance—I do hereby offer 1,000/. annually to be 
paid out of the rents of the same lands; that is to 
say, 500/. out of the next Michaelmas rent; and 
so on by the half-year for the space of five years, if 
the war in Ireland shall so long continue, or that I 
live so long; to be employed for the -service of 
Ireland, as the Parliament shall please to appoint, 
provided the said yearly rent of 1,680/. become not 
to be suspended by war or other accident. 

4 And whereas there is an arrear of pay due to me 
whilst I was lieutenant-general unto the Earl of 
Manchester of about 1,500/. audited and stated; as 
also a great arrear due for about two years being 
governor of the Isle of Ely. I do hereby discharge 
the State from all or any claim to be made by me 
thereunto.’ 

The House responded to this munificence by passing 
unanimously the following vote:— 

c That the House doth accept the free offer of Lieu¬ 
tenant-General Cromwell, testifying his zeal and good 
affection.’ 



352 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAPTER XIII. 

The Spring of 1648 and Gloomy Prospects of the Country—State of the 
Contending Parties—The Scots prepare for War—Their Ultimatum to 
the English Parliament—Rising of the Cavaliers—The Committee of 
Danger raise an Army to oppose the Scots and Royalists—Cromwell 
sent to oppose Colonel Poyer in Wales—The Siege of Pembroke 
Castle—Cromwell’s Letters to the Speaker and to General Fairfax— 
Threatened Disturbances in London—Inactivity of Fairfax—Rising in 
Surrey—Further Addresses to the King forbidden by the Parliament 
—Presbyterian Designs—The Six Members restored—Revolt of the 
Fleet—Insurrection in Kent—Serious Difficulties the Parliament had 
to encounter—Fairfax roused at length into Action—Rendezvous of 
the Army on Blackheath—Success of the General in Kent and Surrey 
—Approach of the Scots’ Army and Manifesto of the Duke of Hamil¬ 
ton—Lambert’s spirited Reply—Interferences of the Scots, and un¬ 
fortunate Consequences to His Majesty—Dilatory Proceedings of the 
Scots’ General—Sir James Turner’s Description of the March of the 
Scots towards Lancashire—English Forces under Cromwell leave 
Wales for the North—Ill-provisioned and destitute State of the 
Troops—Junction effected with Lambert in the Neighbourhood of 
Doncaster—The Scots’ Army reaches Preston—Cromwell falls suddenly 
on Lambert’s Troops—The Battle of Preston—Sir James Turner’s Ac¬ 
count of the Engagement—Cromwell’s Narrative to the Speaker—Re¬ 
joicings in London—A Day of Thanksgiving ordered—Loss of Men in 
the two Armies—The Scots Retreat—The Duke of Hamilton gives 
himself up a Prisoner atUttoxeter—Taken to Warwick Castle—Court- 
Martial held the Year following; is sentenced to death, and executed 
—Cromwell proceeds North in pursuit of Munroe and the Scots—His 
urgent Request for Money to the Committee at Derby House—Inter¬ 
esting Letter from Cromwell to Oliver St. John—Cromwell’s successful 
Intercession on behalf of his Kinsman at Romsey—Pleads with Gene¬ 
ral Fairfax for the Widow of Colonel Cowell—Colchester surrenders 
—Execution of the principal delinquent Defenders—Distress of the 
Inhabitants during the Siege—Hasty Retreat of Prince Rupert to 
Holland with the Revolted Ships—Junction of the two Armies under 
Cromwell and Lambert at Durham—Cromwell’s Proclamation to the 
Scotch Nation—His Letters to the Committee of Estates sitting at 
Edinburgh, and the Earl of Loudon, Chancellor of Scotland—Divi- 


GLOOMY PROSPECTS OF THE COUNTRY. 


353 


sions among the Scots—Monroe’s Forces opposed by several Regiments 
under General Lesley and the Earl of Leven—Cromwell’s Letter to 
the Speaker—Arrives in Edinburgh—Sumptuous Entertainment— 
Success in Scotland and Departure for the South—Another Letter to 
the Speaker—Cromwell at Knottingly—His Interesting Letter to 
Hammond, the Governor of the Isle of Wight. 

The spring of 1648 was ungenial and gloomy in the 
extreme. Nor was the weather alone discouraging. 
The political horizon had become overcast in every 
quarter. 

From the Irish Sea to the German Ocean came 
forebodings of coming evils, dismally repeated, mag¬ 
nified, and distorted by every fresh messenger. 
Scotland, Ireland, Wales, sent out the note of alarm 
and defiance. The City stood aloof, or secretly en¬ 
couraged the discontent in refusing loans, and by 
open sympathy with the Scottish Presbyterians. The 
Cavaliers were in high spirits at the approach of what 
appeared a national convulsion; whilst the King, at 
the Isle of Wight, silently abided his time, in the 
hope of a general rising in his favour. 

The united hostility thus threatening the Parlia¬ 
ment and the army, had achieved for them that which 
negotiation could never have accomplished. It had 
brought them together in real unison, to meet the 
coming danger. Separate, each must have fallen in 
turn ; united, they were able to resist, counteract, and 
finally to triumph. 

There were three points especially on which the 
Parliament had given umbrage to the Scots: their 
lukewarmness about the Covenant, their long delay 
in reference to overdue pecuniary claims, and the 
forcible detention of the King's person. When the 


CHAP. 

XIII. 


1648 


A A 



354 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

XIII. 

~ r — 

1648 


agreement made at Carisbrook between the King 
and the Scots became known to the Parliament, it 
then became apparent that to trifle any longer with 
them by promises of payment was no longer practi¬ 
cable or safe. Accordingly, in January, the House of 
Commons declared its intention of paying the Scots, 
on February 3, the sum of 50,000/., provided that 
amount could be obtained from the Goldsmiths’ Com¬ 
pany. Commissioners were despatched to Scotland 
conveying this intelligence, and also intimating the 
decision they had come to in reference to not hold¬ 
ing any further intercourse with his Majesty. Among 
the reasons they assign for the latter, it is curious 
to notice how carefully and minutely every circum¬ 
stance extending back for several years is dwelt 
upon. Sir John Eliot’s imprisonment, the enforced 
loans, the ‘ cruel whippings,’ ‘ slitting of noses,’ 
mutilations of ears, brandings of cheeks, racks and 
pillories, excommunications, ecclesiastical innova¬ 
tions, advance of Popery by the Queen, and the 
charge of treason against members of Parliament 
by the King, are all insisted upon and recapitulated, 
in order to deter the Scots from forcibly interfering 
on behalf of his Majesty. 

The Scots deferred for upwards of two months 
their reply to the Parliament commissioners. Mean¬ 
while they proceeded to raise an army, and enlist¬ 
ments went on throughout that kingdom, although 
a protest against this aggressive act was entered 
by thirty-six Lords and Commoners of the Scots’ 
Parliament. The commissioners took care to ac¬ 
quaint the two Houses of all that was passing, and 



THE SCOTTISH ULTIMATUM. 


wrote word that great indignation prevailed at the 
4 imprisonment ’ of the King and the 4 tolerating of 
sects’ in England. 

At length, towards the end of April, letters were 
received from the Parliament of Scotland containing 
their answer, wherein they require 4 that his Majesty 
should be permitted to come to London; that repara¬ 
tion be made for his carrying away (from Holmby) 
by satisfaction from, or punishment of, those that did 
it; that the Presbyterian government be settled; that 
the army sectaries be punished and disbanded; the 
city of London to have all their privileges made good 
to them; the Covenant to be enjoined universally, 
and all members of Parliament who have faithfully 
served it to be restored.’ 

The reply of the Parliament to these arrogant 
terms exhibited the same want of firmness and 
decision which they had displayed throughout this 
trying period; and there can be no doubt that the 
turn affairs subsequently took in their favour was 
mainly, if not entirely, due to the genius, the enter¬ 
prise, and the courage of Oliver Cromwell. 

Shortly after the receipt of the foregoing message, 
the news came of the rising of the Cavaliers, who had 
seized on Berwick and Carlisle. It was then moved 
in the House that the seven northern counties should 
be put in a posture of defence, and the Scots informed 
that the Parliament agreed to keep the Covenant, and 
was ready to join with them upon the propositions 
sent to the King during his residence at Hampton 
Court. 

Those members who had not yet taken the Cove- 


356 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap nant were now ordered to do so; and lastly, in direct 
—,—opposition to their recent decision not to hold further 
1648 intercourse with the King, they, at the bidding of the 
Scots’ Parliament, resolved to present an address to 
his Majesty on the basis of the Hampton Court pro¬ 
position. 

Nothing, however, deterred the Scots from their 
warlike purpose. By a vote they decided on raising 
an army of 40,000 men, to invade England. The 
Kirk alone, to its credit be it said, attempted, though 
ineffectually, to resist this measure. 

It now became evident that a serious war with 
Scotland was inevitable. The Committee of Danger 
sitting at Derby House, therefore, came to the deter¬ 
mination of calling together a force of 40,000 men to 
meet the emergency. Wales had already risen in 
arms on the King’s side, for the Welsh counties had 
all through shown a marked hostility towards the army 
and the Parliament. Wherever the former appeared, 
the inhabitants of the district deserted, taking with 
them to the mountains all their moveable property; 
the smiths left their forges, c so that/ says one of the 
soldiers, 1 if we were to offer forty shillings for a horse¬ 
shoe, or a place to make it, it is not to be had.’ 
Wales, therefore, it was decided, at a council of war, 
held at head-quarters, should be the district in which 
military operations should at first commence; and 
Pembroke Castle—now held for the King by the ci- 
devant Parliamentary Colonel Poyer—the point of 
attack for Oliver Cromwell, who, with two regiments 
of horse, and three of foot soldiers, started at once for 
the held of action. 


SIEGE OF PEMBROKE CASTLE. 


357 


On reaching Gloucester, the pleasing intelligence chap. 
reached him of Colonel Horton’s victory, near Cardiff, — 
over Langhern, the Royalist general, who, with 8,000 1(348 

troops, had been defeated by 3,000 of the Parliament’s 
forces already in that neighbourhood. Cromwell 
continued his march by way of Chepstow, where he 
left Colonel Ewer to attack the castle, and hastened 
on to Pembroke, arriving there the middle of May. 

He found the enemy strongly entrenched, with plenty 
of ammunition and forage. 

The siege commenced towards the end of May, 
but from the want of heavy ordnance the castle was 
not taken until July 11 following. Being situated 
in tiie centre of a wretchedly barren and desolate 
country, Cromwell had great difficulty in providing 
food for his troops. A month after the siege had 
been carried on, he wrote as follows to General, now 
Lord Fairfax:— 

4 The country since we sat down before this placo 
have made two or three insurrections, and are ready 
to do it every day: so that, what with looking to 
them, and disposing our horse to that end, and to get 
us in provisions, without which we should starve, 
this country being so miserably exhausted and so 
poor, and we no money to buy victuals—indeed, 
whatever may be thought, it’s a mercy we have been 
able to keep our men together in the midst of such 
necessity, the sustenance of the foot for most part 
being but bread and water. Our guns, through the 
unhappy accident at Berkley, not yet come to us; 
and, indeed, it was a very unhappy thing they were 
brought thither, the wind having been always so cross 



358 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, that since they were recovered from sinking they 
- r could not u come to us;” and this place not being to 
1048 be had without fit instruments for battering, except 
by starving . 7 

On July 11 Cromwell wrote to the Speaker of the 
House of Commons, announcing the satisfactory ter¬ 
mination of the siege, as follows :— 

1 The town and castle of Pembroke were rendered 

to me this day. What arms, ammunition, 

victual, ordnance, or other necessaries of war are in, 
I have not to certify you, the commissioners I sent 
in to receive the same not being yet returned, nor like 
suddenly to be; and I was unwilling to defer the 
giving you an account of this mercy for a day. 

‘ The persons excepted are such as have formerly 
served you in a very good cause ; but being now 
apostatized, I did rather make election of them than 
of those who had always been for the King, judging 
their iniquity double: because they have sinned against 
so much light, and against so many evidences of 
Divine Providence, going along with and prospering a 
just cause, in the management of which they them¬ 
selves had a share. 7 

Meanwhile, during Cromwell’s tedious siege of 
Pembroke, important events were taking place in 
other parts of the kingdom, where his presence was 
much required. 

Deports were rife of a general rising in London in 
favour of the King. The committee, sitting at Derby 
House, had been informed that many thousands, under 
an oath of secrecy, were banded together to destroy 
the City and Parliament. Complaints also daily 




THREATENED DISTURBANCES IN LONDON. 


359 


reached Fairfax, now unfortunately rendered inactive chap. 

^T| T 

by an attack of gout, of disturbances daily occurring *-r— 

in many counties, where the inhabitants were obliged 1618 
to leave their homes and fly into the neighbouring 
towns and cities for protection. Petitions to Parlia¬ 
ment—a sure sign of the growing discontent—came 
pouring in upon the distracted Commons. One from 
the lord mayor and aldermen of the City, asking for 
power over the militia, received an immediate ac¬ 
quiescence ; and General Skippon had directions 4 to 
encounter, kill, and slay all such as should be gathered 
to disturb the peace of Parliament or the City. But 
one petition of a more troublesome nature came from 
the neighbouring county of Surrey, accompanied by 
several hundred men on horseback, praying that the 
King might 4 be restored with safety and honour, and 
permitted to come to Westminster for a personal 
treaty;’ also, 4 that the war now beginning might be 
prevented, free quarter suspended, and speed made 
for disbanding the army and the payment of the 
soldiers’ arrears.’ 

The Lords, we are told, 4 gave the petitioners a 
favourable answer, but the Commons gave none; 
whereupon some of the more boisterous fell to quar¬ 
relling 4 with the soldiers in attendance, and came to 
blows, during which divers countrymen were killed, 
and the miller of Wandsworth was run through with 
a halbert.’ 

This petition was followed by another to the 
same purpose from the City, with somewhat better 
results; for, on June 30, the Lords agreed that 
the vote of January 3, forbidding any addresses to 


360 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

XIII. 


,1618 


the King, should be null and void. Signs of relent¬ 
ing towards the King were also not wanting in the 
other House: for, on May 26, the Commons agreed to 
accept the Presbyterian government, according to his 
Majesty’s offer, for, a term of three years; and they 
also consented to submit to a term of ten instead of 
twenty years control in reference to the militia. 

Advantage was now taken of Cromwell’s absence 
from Parliament to restore the six members who had 
been excluded; and, at the same time, a vote was 
agreed to that no mercy be shown towards all pri¬ 
soners who might be taken captive and in arms 
against the Parliament.’ Whilst these measures were 
being passed, a new and unexpected trouble arose. 
The fleet which lay in the Downs mutinied, and the 
commander, Admiral Painsborough, forcibly sent on 
shore; the captains of most of the vessels being sub¬ 
ject to the same treatment ; whilst several of the 
revolted ships, with their crews, set sail for Holland. 
Some few, however, remained faithful; and, in their 
own words, declared 4 for the King, the Parliament, 
and the Covenant.’ 

When the news of this revolt reached the Govern¬ 


ment, Painsborough, who had never been popular 
with the navy, was superseded, and the Earl of 
Warwick chosen Lord High Admiral in his stead. 
Meanwhile the treatment the Surrey petitioners had 
received at the hands of the soldiers in Palace Yard 
gave rise to much local discontent, which shortly 
after their return home became apparent. A large 
body of armed men assembled on Blackheath, where 
they were joined by other discontented roughs and 



INACTIVITY OF GENERAL FAIRFAX. 

malignants from London. All Kent now rose in 
insurrection. Rochester was seized by the insur¬ 
gents, and news came that Cornwall was in open 
revolt. 

Matters were getting serious with the Parliament; 
Fairfax lay ill with the gout; Cromwell was fretting 
impatiently before Pembroke, and consequently un¬ 
able to afford them his invigorating presence and 
counsel. The Scots’ army had invaded England, and 
the navy for the most part was in a state of revolt; 
whilst Kent, Essex, and Surrey were more or less in 
the hands of themalignants. Further inaction, there¬ 
fore, on the part of the army could no longer be 
tolerated ; and, gout or no gout, Fairfax must mount. 
Early in May he had been ordered to go northward. 
The middle of that month came, and he was still 
unable to move, the report being, c The general is 
so ill of an extreme lameness that he cannot stir. By 
Friday it is hoped he will go to the northward.’ The 
last week in May, however, found him on horseback, 
though still lame and reluctant. 

There was, in truth, no longer the alacrity of former 
days to be observed in this general. Whether, now 
that he had succeeded to the title and honours of the 
peerage, or, what is more probable, that he had be¬ 
come cold in the cause of the Parliament, it is certain 
that from this period Fairfaix was no longer the 
efficient and energetic officer he had been. Be that 
as it may, the pressure put upon him overcame all 
other considerations, and resulted in a general ren¬ 
dezvous of the army, ivhich took place on Hounslow 
Heath at the end of the month. From thence 


361 


CHAP. 

XIII. 


1648 



362 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap. Fairfax, with part of the army, marched into Surrey, 
■ 3 , - . in order to dislodge the insurgents, who by this time 
1048 had taken possession of Maidstone and Rochester. 
Once in the field, he seemed to forget his pain and 
disorder. Acting with his usual promptness and de¬ 
cision, he routed the malignants at the latter place, 
killins* two hundred, whilst the remainder fled to 
Maidstone, followed quickly by the general, who 
again scattered them. The insurgents now made for 
Colchester, where, after sustaining a fierce and ob¬ 
stinate siege, they were at length finally overcome. 

Whilst the two generals, the one before Pembroke 
Castle, the other before Colchester, were thus occu¬ 
pied in siege operations, the Scots’ army meanwhile 
was leisurely marching into England. 

The following letter from Cromwell to Fairfax, 
congratulating the latter on his successes, was written 
a week after the forces under Fairfax had commenced 
the siege of Colchester:— 

c I rejoice much to hear of the blessing of God 
upon your Excellency’s endeavours. I pray God 
that this nation and those that are over us and your 
Excellency, and all we that are under you, u may dis¬ 
cern ” what the mind of God may be in all this, and 
what our duty is. Surely it is not that the poor 
godly people of this kingdom should still be made 
the object of wrath and anger, nor that our God 
would have our necks under a yoke of bondage. For 
these things that have lately come to pass have been 
the wonderful works of God; breaking the rod of the 
oppressor, as in the day of Midian—not with garments 
much rolled in blood, but by the terror of the Lord, 


363 


APPROACH OF THE SCOTS’ ARMY. 

who will yet save His people and confound His enemies 
as on that day. The Lord multiply His grace upon 
you, and bless you, and keep your heart upright: 
and then, though you be not conformable to the men 
of this world, nor to their wisdom, yet you shall be 
precious in the eyes of God, and He will be to you a 
horn and shield.’ 

Whilst the Parliamentary forces were thus occupied, 
as we have seen, advantage was taken of their absence 
by the Earl of Holland to raise the standard for the 
King. Collecting about a hundred horsemen from 
the neighbourhood of Kingston-on-Thames, he pro¬ 
ceeded to Banstead Downs, and was there joined 
by the young Earl of Buckingham and his brother, 
Lord Francis Cavendish, bringing with them several 
hundred followers. From Banstead Downs they 
marched to Eeigate: here they were met and suc¬ 
cessfully encountered by some forces under Major 
Gibbons, who had been sent in pursuit. In the 
struggle Lord Francis was killed, and the earl, with 
those who escaped, retreated into Hertfordshire, only 
to meet with a fresh and more fatal disaster; for 
meanwhile Fairfax, having heard of the rising, dis¬ 
patched a party from Colchester, under Scroop, who 
came up to them unawares one night at St. Neot’s, 
when they were completely routed, most of them 
being killed or taken prisoners. Lord Holland es¬ 
caped, but was subsequently taken prisoner and sent 
to Warwick Castle, when he was brought to trial, 
found guilty, and executed. 

The invasion of England—the first fruits of the 
clandestine agreement between the King and the 


CHAP. 

XIII. 


1648 



364 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap. Scots’ commissioners at the Isle of Wight—was now 

XIII ° 

'—r—an accomplished fact. The objects sought, as set 
forth in a letter from the Duke of Hamilton, the 
general of the Scottish army, to General Lambert, in 
command of the Parliamentary forces assembled at or 
near Carlisle, were as follows:— 

That the Parliament of England had not given 
satisfaction to the desires of the people of Scotland; 
that he came with his army to settle religion, to 
maintain the Covenant, to deliver the King; to dis¬ 
band the army, and procure a solid peace and union 
between the two kingdoms and his Majesty’s Govern¬ 
ment; finally, as he intended no hurt to him, or the 
* 

kingdom, he therefore expected no opposition from 
him. 

Lambert, in his reply, was equally brief and to the 
purpose: he said:— 

As to not being satisfied with the Parliament, he 
had nothing to say; but as to his coming in a hostile 
way into England, he would oppose him to the utmost, 
and fight him and his army as traitors and enemies 
of the kingdom. 

The reasons given by the Scots for their un¬ 
warrantable invasion of England, as set forth in this 
letter to Lambert, lacked one essential qualification— 
truth. Their real object was the establishment of 
Presbyterianism and the destruction of the Indepen¬ 
dents, which they purposed to themselves to accom¬ 
plish by the restoration of the King and the sub¬ 
jugation of the English army, through and by the aid 
of their own forces united with the Cavaliers. 

There was a remarkable fatality attending all the 



DILATORY PROCEEDINGS OF THE SCOTS’ GENERAL. 


365 


efforts of the Scottish nation to serve his Majesty, and 
little could they have foreseen or anticipated the 
consequences they were unconsciously the means of 
causing. There can be no doubt that the King’s 
liberty, and ultimately his life, was sacrificed through 
their injudicious advocacy and interference. Their 
nefarious monetary negotiations with the Parliament 
cost his Majesty his liberty; their secret and under¬ 
hand treaty with him at Carisbrook Castle led to the 
renewal of the friendly compact between Westminster 
and the army ; and their hostile invasion of England 
produced a few months hence the fatal catastrophe on 
the scaffold at Whitehall. 

Hamilton’s dispatch to Lambert was dated July 8, 
from Annan, on the western borders. He had brought 
from Scotland an army numbering upwards of 20,000 
fighting-men ; whilst Langdale, in Yorkshire, with 
3,000 Loyalist troops, awaited his arrival in order to 
form a junction. It is surprising, considering there 
was but a mere handful of Parliamentary troops 
under Lambert in the north to oppose so great a 
force, that the Scots’ general did not push forward 
at once into the heart of the country; but this op¬ 
portunity was neglected, and the advantage thrown 
away, by the want of that promptitude and decision 
often so conspicuously absent in all but great com¬ 
manders. Instead, however, of doing this, and effec¬ 
tually disposing of Lambert’s troops before Cromwell, 
who was hastening to his assistance, could come up, 
he contented himself with ravaging the country, 
plundering the inhabitants, and hunting out and 
robbing any unfortunate minister in possession of a 


CHAP. 

XIII. 


1648 



366 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

XIII. 


1648 


Parliamentary incumbency, leaving his dwelling bare 
of every moveable article. In such like congenial 
occupations five important weeks were wasted ere 
the Scots’ army had reached Preston, which had they 
so purposed might have been accomplished in as 
many days. A passing glimpse of the Scots’ camp, 
during this march, is afforded in the following extract 
from a letter written by Sir James Turner, who was 
present with that army:— 

4 At Hornby, a day’s march beyond Kendal, it was 
debated whether we should march into Lancashire, 
Cheshire, and the western counties, or if we should 
go into Yorkshire, and so put ourselves in the straight 
road to London, with a resolution to fight all who 
would oppose us? Calender was indifferent; Middle- 
ton was for Yorkshire, Baillie for Lancashire. When 
my opinion was asked, I was for Yorkshire; and for 
this reason only, that I understood Lancashire was 
a close county, full of ditches and hedges, which 
was a great advantage the English would have over 
our raw and undisciplined musketeers; the Parlia¬ 
ment’s army consisting of disciplined and wxll-trained 
soldiers and excellent firemen; while, on the other 
hand, Yorkshire was a more open country and full of 
heaths, where we might both make use of our horse 
and come sooner to push of pike with our foot. My 
lord duke was for Lancashire way; and it seems he 
had hopes that some forces would join with him in 
his march that way. I have, indeed, heard him say 
that he thought Lancashire his own if he came near 
it. Whatever the matter was, I never saw him 
tenacious in anything during the time of his com- 



DESTITUTE CONDITION OF CROMWELL’S TROOPS. 


367 


mand but in that. We chose to go that way, which chap. 
led us to our ruin. —r— 

4 Our march was much retarded by most rainy and 
tempestuous weather (the elements fighting against 
us), and by staying for country horses to carry our 
little ammunition. The vanguard was constantly 
given to Sir Marmaduke (Langdale) upon condition 
that he should furnish guides, pioneers for clearing 
the ways, and (which was more than both these) have 
good and certain intelligence of all the enemy’s 
motions. But whether it was by our fault, or his 
neglect, want of intelligence helped to ruin us.’ 

Released at length from the protracted siege of 
Pembroke, Cromwell, having first despatched towards 
Chester 600 horse and dragoons in advance, wrote 
to Lambert, enjoining him not to engage the enemy 
until he could come up. He followed with all his 
available force a few days after. The Bristol mer¬ 
chants had, through the exertions of Hugh Peters, 
been induced to provide the army with a supply of 
beer, linen, &c., for the wounded, and other stores, 
for which says one, writing from head-quarters, 4 we 
acknowledge with thankful hearts to God and are 
much encouraged thereby, in this our northern ex¬ 
pedition.’ Shoeless and stockingless, they are heard 
of 4 as a poor and despised partie ’ at Warwick, on 
July 31, and at Coventry, where 2,500 pairs of 
stockings had been got together. Leicester furnished 
shoes on August 3, and at the latter town Cromwell 
left behind Poyer and other prisoners, under the 
charge of brave Mrs. Hutchinson, the colonel her 
husband being otherwise engaged; but matters in 


368 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

XIII. 

1648 


Leicester town do not. appear to have passed off 
very satisfactorily, for one who was with Cromwell’s 
forces writes:— 

4 We grieve for that famous city of Leicester, whom 
we never desired to insult, nor marched we through 
with any such intent; and notwithstanding all their 
high and strange expressions against us who have 
been instrumental of more good to them than to all 
the kingdom, and received the least from them. . . . 

4 Lord Gray’s activity is commended in these 
parts, he having got together 4,000 in the field.’ 

On or about August 9 Cromwell came up to 

Lambert’s forces in the neighbourhood of Doncaster. 

% 

Their united strength was under 12,000 men; but 
any deficiency in point of numbers was more than 
compensated by bravery and discipline. 4 After a 
tedious and weary march of much endurance and 
difficulty, and passing through unseasonable weather 
and extreme hardness of ways,’ writes one in the 
Parliament army: 4 The Lieutenant-General Cromwell 
came on Monday night, the 14th, to Skipton—within 
ken of the enemy; Tuesday to Gisborn; Wednesday 
we marched to Stronghurst; Thursday, very early, 
our army marched towards Preston, whither the 
enemy lay.’ 

The Duke of Hamilton, with his army in very loose 
order, and scattered over the country, had reached 
Preston the previous evening, ignorant of the vicinity 
of Cromwell. Langdale, however, was the first to 
feel the force of his presence, for the 4 forlorn hope ’ 
which Cromwell sent out encountered him at Lang- 
ridge Chapel. Hodgson, who commanded this party > 


THE BATTLE OF PRESTON. 


369 


has given a graphic description of Oliver’s promptness chap. 
in issuing orders. 4 We were,’ says Hodgson, c drawn -— 
up by the moor side, when the general comes to us 
and orders us to march. We, not having half our 
men, came [to him] and desired a little patience ; 

[but] he gives out the word, 44 March ! ” ’ Another 
Parliamentary officer who was present has continued 
the account of what followed:— 

4 Our forlorn hope engaged them successfully,’ says 
this writer. 4 As soon as the narrowness of the lanes 
and passages would permit, our infantry came up— 
the van of foot led by Colonel Bright’s, the Lord 
General’s, and the Lancashire regiments. The battle 
waxed hot for two hours. They had lined the hedges 
and lanes so thick that our horse and foot were 
exceedingly galled ; at length our men forced them 
through Preston, the way strewed with their arms, 
baggage, and provisions.’ 

Sir James Turner’s account of this affair, interesting 
as coming from the Royalist side, is as follows:— 

4 Cromwell falls on Sir Marmaduke’s flank, who 
imagined that it was one Colonel Ashton, who had 
got together 3,000 men to oppose us, because we 
came out of Scotland without the General Assembly’s 
permission. While Sir Marmaduke disputes the 
matter, Baillie, by the duke’s order, marches to Ribble 
Bridge, and passes it with all the foot except two 
brigades. This was two miles from Preston. By 
my lord duke’s command, I had sent some ammuni¬ 
tion and men to Sir Marmaduke’s assistance ; but to 
no purpose, for Cromwell prevailed, so that our 
English first retired and then fled. It must be 


B B 


370 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

XIII. 


1648 


remembered that the night before this sad encounter, 
Earl Calendar and Middleton were gone to Wigan, 
eight miles from thence, with a considerable part of 
the cavalry. Calendar was come back, and was with 
the duke, and so was I; but upon the rout of Sir 
Marmaduke’s people Calendar got away to Kibble, 
where he arrived safely by a miracle as I think ; for 
the enemy was between the bridge and us, and had 
killed or taken most part of our two brigades of foot. 

L The duke, with his guard of horse, Sir Marma- 
duke, with many officers—among others myself—got 
into Preston town, with intention to pass a ford 
below it, though at that time not rideable. At the 
entry of the town the enemy pursued us hard. The 
duke faced about, and put two troops of them to a 
retreat; but so soon as we turned from them, they 
again turned upon us. The duke, facing the second 
time, charged them, which succeeded well. Being 
pursued the third time, my lord duke cried to 
charge once more for King Charles ! One trooper 
refusing, he beat him with his sword. At that charge 
we put the enemy so far behind us that he could not 
so soon overtake us again. Then Sir Marmaduke 
and I entreated the duke to hasten to his army ; 
and truly, here he showed as much personal valour 
as any man could be capable of. We swam the 
Kibble river, and so got to the place where Lieu¬ 
tenant-General Baillie had advantageously lodged the 
foot on the top of a hill, among very fencible en¬ 
closures. 

‘ After Calendar came to the infantry he had sent 
600 musketeers to defend Kibble Bridge. Very un- 



THE BATTLE OF PRESTON. 


371 


advisedly ; for the way Cromwell had to go to it was 
a descent from a hill that commanded all the cham¬ 
paign, which was about an English quarter of a mile 
in length between the bridge and that hill where our 
foot were lodged. So that our musketeers, having 
no shelter, were forced to receive all the musket-shot 
of Cromwell’s infantry, which was secure within thick 
hedges, and after the loss of many men were forced 
to run back to our foot. Here Claud Hamilton, the 
duke’s lieutenant-colonel, had his arm broken with 
a musket bullet. 

4 The bridge of Ribble being lost, the duke called 
all the colonels together on horseback to advise what 
was next to be done. We had no choice but one of 
two : either stay, and maintain our ground till Mid¬ 
dleton (who was sent for) came back with his cavalry; 
or else march away that night and find him out. 
Calendar would needs speak first, whereas by the 
custom of war he should have told his opinion last; 
and it was, to march away that night so soon as it 
was dark. This was seconded by all the rest, except 
by Lieutenant-General Baillie and myself. For all 
the arguments we used—as, the impossibility of a 
safe retreat from an enemy so powerful of horse, in 
so very foul weather and extremely deep ways; our 
soldiers exceedingly wet, weary, and hungry; the 
inevitable loss of all our ammunition—could not 
move my lord duke, by his authority, to contradict 
the shameful resolution taken by the main part of his 
officers. 

4 After that drumless march was resolved on, and 
but few horse appointed to stay in rear of the foot, I 


CHAP. 

XIII. 


1618 


b n 2 



372 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

XIII. 


1648 


enquired what should become of our unfortunate 
ammunition, since forward with us we could not get 
it ? It was not thought fit to blow it up that night, 
lest thereby the enemy should know of our retreat, 
or rather flight. I was of that opinion, too, but for 
another reason ; for we could not have blown it up 
then without a visible mischief to ourselves, being so 
near it. It was ordered it should be done three hours 
after our departure, by a train; but that being 
neglected, Cromwell got it all. 

4 Next morning we appeared at Wigan Moor, half 
our number less than we were—most of the faint and 
weary soldiers having lagged behind, whom we never 
saw again. Lieutenant-General Middleton had missed 
us—such excellent order was in the army—for he 
came by another way to Ribble Bridge. It was to 
be wished he had still stayed with us ! He, not 
finding us there, followed our track; but was himself 
hotly pursued by Cromwell’s horse, with whom he 
skirmished the whole way till he came within a mile 
of us.’ 

Thus far from the Cavalier side. Let us now hear 
Cromwell’s version, as detailed to the Speaker in a 
letter, dated Warrington, August 20:— 

4 Sir,—I have sent up this gentleman (Major 
Berry) to give you an account of the great and good 
hand of God towards you, in the late victory obtained 
against the enemy in these parts. 

4 After the conjunction of that party which I 
brought with me out of Wales with the northern 
forces about Knaresborough and Wetherby, hearing 
that the enemy was advanced with their army into 




THE BATTLE OF FRESTON. 


373 


Lancashire, we marched the next clay to Otley, . . . 
and on the 14th to Skipton ; the 15th to Gisburne ; 
the 16th to Hodder Bridge, over Kibble, and there 
held a council of war. . . . 

‘It was thought that to engage the enemy to fight 
was our business, . . . and it was resolved we should 
march over the bridge ; which accordingly we did, 
and that night quartered the whole army in the field 
by Stony hurst Hall, a place nine miles distant from 
Preston. Yery early the next morning we marched 
towards Preston : having intelligence that the enemy 
was drawing together thereabouts, from all his out- 
quarters, we drew out a forlorn of about 200 horse 
and 400 foot, commanded by Major Smithson, the 
foot by Major Pownal. Our forlorn of horse marched 
within a mile where the enemy was drawn up, in the 
enclosed grounds by Preston on that side next us ; 
and there, upon a moor, about half a mile distant 
from the enemy’s army, met with their scouts and 
outguard, and did behave themselves with that valour 
and courage as made their guards to quit their 
ground ; and took divers prisoners, holding this dis¬ 
pute with them until our forlorn of foot came up for 
their justification ; and by these we had opportunity 
to bring up our whole army. 

4 So soon as our foot and horse came up, we 
resolved that night to engage them if we could; and, 
therefore, advancing with our forlorn, and putting 
the rest of our army into as good a posture as the 
ground would bear (which was totally inconvenient 
to our horse, being all enclosure and miry ground), 
we pressed upon them. 


CHAP. 

XIII. 


1648 



LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL 


4 In all places, the enemy were forced from their 
ground after four hours’ dispute—until we came 
to the town, into which four troops of my own regi¬ 
ment first entered; and being well seconded by 
Colonel Harrison’s regiment, charged the enemy in 
the town and cleared the street. 

4 There came no band of your foot to fight that 
day but did it with incredible valour and resolution, 
among which Colonel Bright’s, my Lord General’s, 
Lieutenant-Colonel Reade’s, and Colonel Ashton’s, had 
the greatest work ; they often coming to push of pike 
and to close firing, and always making the enemy to 
recoil. And, indeed, I must needs say, God was as 
much seen in the valour of the officers and soldiers of 
these before-mentioned as in any action that hath been 
performed; the enemy making, though he was still 
worsted, very stiff and sturdy resistance. ... At the 
last, the enemy was put into disorder, many men 
slain, many prisoners taken. The duke, with most of 
the Scots, horse and foot, retreated over the bridge, 
where, after a very hot dispute, they were beaten 
from the bridge over Darwen, and a few houses there, 
the enemy being driven up within musket shot of us 
where we lay that night, we not being able to attempt 
further upon the enemy, the night preventing us. 
In this posture did we and the enemy lie most part 
of that night. Upon entering the town many of the 
enemy’s horse fled towards Lancaster; in the chase 
of whom went di vers of our horse, who pursued them 
near ten miles, and had execution of them, and took 
about 500 horse, and many prisoners. We possessed 
in this fight very much of the enemy’s ammunition; 


THE BATTLE OF PRESTON. 


375 


I believe they lost 4,000 or 5,000 arms. The number chap. 

xiii 

of the slain we judge to be about 1,000; the prisoners - 
we took were about 4,000. 1648 

4 In the night, the duke was drawing off his army 
towards Wigan: we were so wearied with the dispute 
that we did not so well attend the enemy’s going 
off as might have been, by means whereof the 
enemy was gotten at least three miles with his rear, 
before ours got to them. . . . 

4 The enemy marched away 7,000 or 8,000 foot, and 
about 4,000 horse; we followed him with about 
3,000 foot and about 2,500 horse and dragoons; and 
by this prosecution, that worthy gentleman, Colonel 
Thornhaugh, pressing too boldly, was slain, being 
run into the body and thigh and head by the enemy’s 
lancers. And give me leave to say, he was a man as 
faithful and gallant in your service as any; and one 
who often heretofore lost blood in your quarrel, and 
now his last. He hath left some behind him to 
inherit a father’s honour; and a sad widow—both 
now the interest of the Commonwealth. 

4 Our horse still prosecuted the enemy, killing and 
taking divers all the way. At last the enemy drew - 
up within three miles of Wigan, and by that time 
our army was come up they drew off again, and 
recovered Wigan before we could attempt anything 
upon them. We lay that night in the field close by 
the enemy; being very dirty, and weary, and having 
marched twelve miles of such ground as I never rode 
in all my life, the day being very wet. We had some 
skirmishing that night near the town, where we took 
General Van Druske and a colonel, and killed some 


376 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


ciiap. principal officers, and took about 100 prisoners; 
—r—^ where I also received a letter from Duke Hamilton 
for civil usage towards his kinsman, Colonel Hamilton, 
whom he left wounded there. We took also Colonel 
Hurry and Lieutenant-Colonel Innes, some time in 
your service. The next morning the enemy marched 
towards Warrington, and we had the heels of them. 
The town of Wigan, a great poor town and very 
malignant, were plundered to their skins by them. 

L We could not engage the enemy until we came 
within three miles of Warrington, and there the enemy 
made a stand at a place near Winwick. AYe held 
them in some dispute till our army came up, they 
maintaining the pass with great resolution for many 
hours—ours and theirs coming to push of pike and 
very close charges—which forced us to give ground; 
but our men — by the blessing of God — quickly 
recovered it, and charging very home upon them, 
beat them from their standing; where we killed about 
1,000 of them, and took, as we believe, about 2,000 
prisoners; and prosecuted them home to Warrington 
town, where they possessed the bridge, which had a 
strong barricade, and a work upon it formerly made 
very defensive. As soon as we came thither I re¬ 
ceived a message from General Baillie, desiring some 
capitulation, to which I yielded. Considering the 
strength of the pass, and that I could not go over the 
river within ten miles of Warrington with the army, 
I gave them these terms : That he should surrender 
himself and all his officers and soldiers prisoners of 
war, with all his arms, ammunition, and horses to me; 
I giving quarter for life, and promising civil usage. 



THE SCOTS RETREAT. 


377 


Which accordingly is done, and the commissioners 
deputed by me have received all the arms and ammu¬ 
nition, which will be, as they tell me, about 4,000 
complete arms, and as many prisoners; and thus 
you have their infantry totally ruined. What colonels 
and officers are with General Baillie I have not yet 
received the list.’ 

4 The duke is marching with his remaining horse, 
which are about 3,000, towards Nantwich, where 
the gentlemen of the [district] have taken about 500 
of them, of which they sent me word this day. 
The country will scarce suffer any of my men to 
pass, except they have my hand-writing telling 
them they are not Scots. They bring in and 
kill divers of them (the Scots) as they light upon 
them. Most of the nobility of Scotland are with the 
duke. If I had 1,000 horse that could but trot 
thirty miles, I should not doubt but to give a very 
good account of them; but truly, we are so harassed 
and haggled out in this business, that we are not 
able to do more than walk an easy pace after them. 

1 1 hear Monroe is about Cumberland, with the 
horse that ran away. ... I have left Colonel 
Ashton’s three regiments of foot, with seven troops 
of horse, at Preston, and ordered Colonel Scroop, 
with five troops of horse and two troops of dragoons, 
with two regiments of foot (Colonel Lascelles’s and 
Colonel Wastell’s) to embody with them, and have 
ordered them to put their prisoners to the sword if 
the Scots shall presume to advance upon them, be¬ 
cause they cannot bring them off with security. 

‘ Thus you have a narrative of the particulars of 


CHAP. 

XIII. 


1648 



378 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 

C xm* ^ ie success which God hath given you; which I 

' could hardly at this time have done, considering the 
1648 J 70 

multiplicity of business, but truly, when I was once 
engaged in it, I could hardly tell how to say less, 
there being so much of God in it; and I am not 
willing to say more, lest there should seem to be 
any of man. Only give me leave to add one word, 
showing the disparity of forces, that so you may see, 
and all the world acknowledge, the great hand of 
God in this business. The Scots’ army could not 
be less than 12,000 effective foot, well armed, and 
5,000 horse; Langdale not iess than 2,500 foot and 
1,500 horse; in all, 21,000; and truly very few of 
their foot but were as well armed, if not better than 
yours, and at divers disputes did fight two or three 
hours before they would quit their ground. Yours 
were about 2,500 horse and dragoons of your old 
army; about 4,000 foot of your old army; also about 
1,600 Lancashire foot, and about 500 Lancashire 
horse; in all, about 8,600. You see, by computation, 
about 2,000 of the enemy slain, betwixt 8,000 and 
9,000 prisoners, besides what are lurking in hedges 
and private places, which the country [people] daily 
bring in or destroy. 

4 Surely, Sir, this is nothing but the hand of God; 
and wherever anything in this world is exalted, or 
exalts itself, God will pull it down; for this is the 
day wherein He alone will be exalted. It is not fit 
for me to give advice, nor to say a word what use 
you should make of this; more than to pray you, and 
all that acknowledge God, that they would exalt 
Him, and not hate His people, who are the apple of 


THE DUKE OF HAMILTON TAKEN PRISONER. 


379 


His eye, and for whom even kings shall be reproved; 
and that you would take courage to do the work of 
the Lord, in fulfilling the end of your magistracy, in 
seeking the peace and welfare of this land—that all 
that will live peaceably may have countenance from 
you, and they that are incapable and will not leave 
troubling the land may speedily be destroyed out of 
the land. And if you take courage in this, God will 
have glory, and the land will have happiness by you 
in despite of all your enemies; which shall be the 
prayer of 

4 Your most humble and faithful servant, 

4 Oliver Cromwell. 

4 Postscript .—We have not, in all this, lost a con¬ 
siderable officer but Colonel Thornhaugh, and not 
many soldiers, considering the service; but many are 
wounded, and our horse much wearied. I humbly 
crave that some course may be taken to dispose of the 
prisoners. The trouble and extreme charge of the 
country where they lie is more than the danger of 
their escape. I think they would not go home if they 
might, without a convoy; they are so fearful of the 
country, from whom they have deserved so ill. Ten 
men will keep a thousand from running away.’ 

Great were the rejoicings, as might be expected, 
when the news of the victory reached London, three 
days later. The House of Commons ordered 200/. 
to be bestowed on Major Berry, and 100/. on Edward 
Sexby, the messengers who brought 4 the very good 
news of the very great success obtained by the mercy 
of God against the whole Scots’ army in Lancashire.’ 


CHAP. 

XIII. 

1648 


380 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap. A day of thanksgiving was also appointed to be ob- 

XIII jo 

— r— served throughout the kingdom. Cromwell’s loss, in 
1648 the three days’ fighting, he estimated at 100 slain; 
the number wounded he does not mention, but adds, 
4 there were many.’ 

The enemy, broken and divided, yet not entirely 
dispersed, required all the energy Cromwell could put 
forth. Lambert was despatched with 2,000 horse and 
dragoons, and 1,400 foot, in pursuit of Hamilton, 
who retreated southward, whilst he himself went in 
search of Monroe, who had taken a northerly direc¬ 
tion. 

Five days later, namely, August 25, the duke gave 
himself up a prisoner at Uttoxeter, having left his 
infantry, or what there was of it remaining, in 
Cheshire, whither he had wandered up and down, 
losing upwards of 1,000, principally by desertion. 
Turner gives a graphic account of the distracted 
general in his extremity. ‘Very ill,’ he says, ‘and 
unable to march, quarrelling with his officers.’ 
‘ At supper high words passed between my lord 
duke and Calendar the night before, each blaming 
the other for the misfortune and miscarriage of the 
affairs.’ 

The poor unfortunate duke was carried a prisoner 
to Warwick Castle ; there he remained until the 
following year, when he was tried by court-martial, 
and sentenced to death as an English peer in arms 
against the Parliament; which sentence was carried 
into execution March 9, 1649. 

Cromwell found it necessary, before moving far 
into the north, in pursuit of Monroe, to strengthen 



glimpses of Cromwell’s inner life. 

his slender forces ; he therefore awaited the return of 
Lambert’s troops. Meanwhile, the northern counties 
were subject to the most cruel exactions by the re¬ 
treating Scots. Whatever could not be taken away 
or consumed was destroyed; the women were stripped, 
we are told, of their 4 hair laces,’ and otherwise ill- 
treated. Cromwell wrote earnestly to the Derby 
House committee for money and soldiers. 

4 1 submit to your lordships,’ he says, in a letter 
dated August 23, 4 whether you will think fit or no 
to recruit our loss. We have but five poor regiments 
of foot, and our horse so exceedingly battered, as I 
never saw them in all my life.’ As to money, they 
were in that matter, if possible, in a worse plight. 

4 1 offer it to your lordships,’ he continues, 4 that 
money may be had to pay the foot and horse. Some 
of those that are here seventy days before I marched 
from Windsor into Wales (early in January) have 
not had any pay; and amongst the horse, my own 
refifiment and some others are much behind. . . . 
Our foot want clothes, shoes, and stockings; these 
ways have shattered them all to pieces.’ 

It is interesting to notice, that although surrounded 
by cares and anxieties he could yet find time for the 
occupation of his thoughts and pen on more congenial 
subjects. To his most intimate friends, those at 
least who best understood him, he opened his heart; 
and it was a relief for the moment to escape from the 
turmoil of war to dwell upon the signal deliverance 
he had just experienced. 

Glimpses of Cromwell’s inner life, at this period, are 
afforded in his correspondence with Lord Wharton 


382 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

XIII. 


1648 


and Oliver St. John, from which a few extracts may 
not be out of place; prefacing, however, by way of 
explanation, that it was the habit of the Puritans 
(and of Oliver in particular) to apply to their own 
circumstances passages of prophetic scripture which 
primarily applied only to the Lord Jesus Christ or to 
the Jewish dispensation. This will be seen in what 
follows, written to his friend Oliver St. John, from 
Knaresborough, September 1:— 

4 1 can say nothing, but surely the Lord our God 
is a great and glorious God. He only is worthy to 
be feared and trusted, and His appearances parti¬ 
cularly to be waited for. He will not fail His people. 
Let everything that hath breath praise the Lord. . . . 
Let us all be not careful what men will make of these 
actings. They will, they shall, fulfil the good plea¬ 
sure of God ; and we shall serve our generations. 
Our rest we expect elsewhere; that will be durable. 
Care we not for to-morrow, nor for anything. 

4 This scripture hath been of great stay to me : 
read Isaiah viii. 10, 11, 14; read all the chapter.’ 

The particular verses referred to, indeed the whole 
chapter, Oliver was very fond of. We here insert 
them :— 

Take counsel together, and it shall come to nought; speak the word, 
and it shall not stand: for God is with us. 

For the Lord spake thus to me with a strong hand, and instructed me 
that I should not walk in the way of this people. 

And he shall he for a sanctuary; hut for a stone of stumbling and for 
a rock of offence to both the houses of Israel, for a gin and for a snare 
to the inhabitants of Jerusalem. 

What follows was written a day later to Lord 
Wharton, a zealous Puritan:— 



DELINQUENTS’ ESTATES AND SIR OLIVER CROMWELL. 


383 


‘You know how untoward I am at this business of chap. 
writing: yet a word. I beseech the Lord make us -in¬ 
sensible of this great mercy here, which surely was 1648 
much more than the House expresseth. I trust [in] 
the goodness of our God to have time and opportunity 
to speak to you of it face to face. When we think of 
our God, what are we? Oh, His mercy to the whole 
society of saints—despised, jeered saints ! Let them 
mock on. Would we were all saints. The best of 
us, God knows, are poor weak saints—yet saints, if 
not sheep, yet lambs, and must be fed. We have 
daily (spiritual) bread, and shall have it, in despite 
of all enemies. There’s enough in our Father’s house, 
and He dispenseth it. I think, through these out¬ 
ward mercies, as we call them, faith, patience, love, 
hope, are exercised and perfected—yea, Christ formed, 
and grows to a perfect man within us. I know not 
well how to distinguish; the difference is only in the 
subject; to a worldly man they are outward, to a 
saint, Christian [within] ; but I dispute not. . . .’ 

Delinquents’ estates being forfeited, became the 
property of the nation, and, as such, were either sold 
or compounded for. Some were reserved and given as 
a security to the corporation of London for advances 
to pay the army; in most cases, however, they were 
retained by the owners, who submitted to heavy fines 
in lieu of confiscation, provided always that the free¬ 
holder had not fled the country or been outlawed. 

Among the latter class was Cromwell’s uncle, Sir 
Oliver, down at Ramsay, a staunch old Royalist, as 
were all his branch of the family. An ordinance which 
passed for 4 divers composition of delinquents’ estates’ 


384 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

XIII. 

Y - 

1648 


about this time, gave Oliver an opportunity of doing 
a good turn to his kinsman, for he used his influence 
so successfully with the committee that the fine was 
remitted, we are told, 4 for the lieutenant-general’s 
sake.’ 

The widows of poor soldiers were often equally 
indebted to him for his intercessions on their behalf; 
and whatever was the pressure of engagements, his 
influence was never withheld, and his ear was ever 
open to their sufferings. Whilst at Northallerton, in 
pursuit of the retreating Scots, the widow of Lieu¬ 
tenant-Colonel Cowell, who had been killed at Preston 
fight, came soliciting his aid. Cromwell wrote as 
follows to General Fairfax, on her behalf:— 

4 Since we lost Lieutenant-Colonel Cowell, his wife 
came to me near Northallerton, much lamenting her 
loss and the sad condition she and her children were 
left in. 

c He was an honest, worthy man. He spent himself 
in your and the kingdom’s service. He, being a great 
trader in London, deserted it to serve the kingdom. 
He lost much monies to the State, and I believe few 
outdid him. He had a great arrear due to him. He 
left a wife and three small children but meanly pro¬ 
vided for. Upon his death-bed he commended this 
desire to me, that I should befriend his to the Par¬ 
liament, or to your Excellency. His wife will attend 
you for letters to the Parliament, which I beseech 
you to take into a tender consideration.’ 

It is satisfactory to be able to add that the applica¬ 
tion resulted in the payment of her husband’s arrears. 

The siege of Colchester terminated at length, on 



THE SIEGE OF COLCHESTER. 

August 28, after a most obstinate defence, the enemy 
surrendering at discretion. The principal delin¬ 
quents found in the garrison, Sir Charles Lucas and 
Sir George Lisle, were shot on the spot. Lord 
Capel, another of the prisoners, was subsequently 
tried at Westminster, found guilty, and executed. 

After the surrender, Fairfax removed his head¬ 
quarters to Bury St. Edmunds. The severity of 
these sentences was greatly provoked by the cruelty 
of the Cavalier defenders to the poor women who 
were left in the town. When food became scarce, 
they complained to the governor, who told them it 
was useless to come to him till horseflesh was two 
shillings a pound: their food was reduced to starch, 
currants and sugar. The soldier’s rations meanwhile 
consisted of three penny loaves only, one ounce of 
meat, and a modicum of water daily. At length the 
women were forcibly ejected out of the town, and 
came, to the number of 500 at one time, in the direction 
of Colonel Rainsford’s quarters of the Parliamentary 
army, who, in order to prevent their approach, fired 
blank cartridge over their heads. This, however, not 
succeeding, the soldiers were told to threaten to strip 
them, which had the desired effect, and they retreated 
to the town walls again; but the gates were kept 
closed, and they were compelled to remain outside, 
until Fairfax sent a message of remonstrance, accom¬ 
panied by a threat, that 4 the blood of these women he 
would require and requite at their hands.’ They 
were then re-admitted into the town. 

Cromwell’s victory afforded great relief to the 
restricted commerce of the country, for Prince 


386 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

XIII. 


1648 


Rupert, with the fleet of revolted ships, who had been 
occupied for some weeks in ravaging the eastern coast, 
plundering vessels laden with butter and cheese, on 
learning the defeat at Preston, fled with his ships 
hastily to Holland, and troubled the coast of England 
no more. 

Agreeably to the instructions Cromwell received 
from the committee of Lords and Commons at Derby 
House, that he should 4 prosecute the remaining party 
in the north, and not leave any of them, wheresoever 
they go, to be a beginning of a new army,’ early in 
September pushed on his forces in pursuit, and 
finding the enemy bent on retreating to Scotland, he 
issued the following proclamation from Durham, on 
the 8th of that month :— 

4 Declaration . 

4 Whereas the Scottish army, under the command of 
James, Duke of Hamilton, which lately invaded this 
nation of England is, by the blessing of God upon 
the Parliament’s forces, defeated and overthrown, and 
some thousands of their officers and soldiers are pri¬ 
soners in our hands; so that by reason of their great 
number, and want of sufficient guard and watches to 
keep them so carefully as need requires (the army 
being employed upon other duty and service of the 
kingdom) divers may escape away; and many, both 
since, and upon the pursuit, do lie in private places 
in the country. 

4 1 thought it very just and necessary to give notice 
to all, and accordingly do declare, That if any Scot- 
tishman, officers or soldiers, lately members of the 



THE PARLIAMENTARY ARMY AT BERWICK. 


387 


said Scottish army and taken, or escaped, in or since 
the late fight and pursuit, shall be found straggling 
in the countries, or running away from the places 
assigned them to remain in till the pleasure of the 
Parliament, or of his Excellency the Lord General 
be known, it will be accounted a very good and 
acceptable service to the country and kingdom of 
England, for any person or persons to take and 
apprehend all such Scottishmen; and to carry them 
to any officer having the charge of such prisoners; 
or, in defect of such officer, to the committee or 
governor of the next garrison, for the Parliament 
within the county where they shall be so taken; 
there to be secured and kept in prison, as shall be 
found most convenient. 

4 And the said committee, officers, or governor 
respectively, are desired to secure such of the said 
prisoners as shall be so apprehended and brought 
unto them accordingly. And if any of the said Scottish 
officers or soldiers shall make resistance, and refuse 
to be taken or render themselves, all such persons 
well-affected to the Parliament and kingdom of 
England, may and are desired to fall upon, fight 
with, and slay such refusers; but if the said prisoners 
shall continue and remain within the places and 
guards assigned for the keeping of them, that then 
no violence, wrong, nor injury be offered to them by 
any means. 

4 Provided also, and special care is to be taken, that 
no Scottishman residing within this kingdom, and 
not having been a member of the said army, and also, 
that none such of the said Scottish prisoners as shall 


CHAP. 

XIII. 


1648 


c c 2 



388 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, have liberty given them, and sufficient passes to 
—»—' go to any place appointed, may be interrupted or 
1648 troubled. Hereby, 

4 Oliver Cromwell. 

( Durham : September 8, 1648.’ 

A week later the Parliamentary army, now joined 
by the forces under Lambert, marched in the direc¬ 
tion of Berwick, whither Lambert was despatched 
with a summons for the town to surrender. The 
district through which the army marched was found 
desolate and all but deserted. 4 We find no bread in 
the country,’ wrote Cromwell to the Speaker, 4 but we 
shall have enough biscuit from Newcastle to last 
until the new corn now upon the ground is ready.’ 
The summons to surrender being disregarded, Crom¬ 
well wrote to the committee of estates for the king¬ 
dom of Scotland at Edinburgh, on September 16, 
the following letter:— 

4 What I demand of you is:—The restitution of 
the garrisons of Berwick and Carlisle into my hands, 
for the use of the Parliament and kingdom of Eng- 
land. If you deny me herein, I must make our 
appeal to God; and call upon Him for assistance in 
what way He shall direct us; wherein we are and 
shall be, so far from seeking the harm of the well- 
affected people of the kingdom of Scotland, that we 
profess as before the Lord; that we shall use our 
endeavours to the utmost that the trouble may fall 
upon the contrivers and authors of this breach, and 
not upon the poor innocent people, who have been 
led and compelled into this action, as many poor 
souls now prisoners to us confess.’ 



THE ARMY ADVANCES INTO SCOTLAND. 


389 


Another epistle was addressed, a day or two later, 
to the Earl of Loudon, Chancellor of Scotland, who at 
that time was at the head of the friendly Kirk 
party, and opposed to the Hamilton faction, in which 
he remarks:— 

‘ We have had a sight of your instructions concern¬ 
ing the treaty between your lordships and the enemy 
(the Monroe Hamilton party) wherein your care of 
the interest of this kingdom for the delivery of the 
towns unjustly taken from them appears. By which 
also we understand the posture you are in to oppose 
the enemies of welfare and the peace of both king¬ 
doms, for which we bless God for his goodness to you ; 
and rejoice to see the power of the kingdom of Scot¬ 
land in a hopeful way to be invested in the hands of 
those who we trust are taught of God to seek His 
honour, and the comfort of his people/ 

It is next to impossible to give verbatim what 
follows without encumbering the meaning ; for Oliver’s 
composition is so overladen with reasons for every 
step, past, present, and future, and the sentences are 
drawn to such unconscionable lengths as often to 
bewilder the reader; but the purport of it all may be 
condensed in a few words as intimating, in a friendly 
manner, that, all things considered— 

4 We have thought fit .... to advance into Scot¬ 
land with our army.’ 

Before marching over the Border, strict injunctions 
were laid on the soldiers to avoid plunder or 
violence. 

c If any officer or soldier under my command shall 
take or demand any money ’—ran the proclamation— 


CHAP 

XIII. 


1648 




390 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

XIII. 


1648 


4 or shall violently take any horses, goods, or victuals, 
without order; or shall abuse the people in any sort, 
he shall be tried by a council of war; and the said 
person so offending shall be punished, according to 
the articles of war, made for the government of the 
army: which punishment is death/ 

There appears to have been some necessity for this 
warning proclamation, for, a day or two later, Crom¬ 
well wrote to the committee of estates in Scotland, 
regretting that notwithstanding all precautions to the 
contrary some violence had been already offered. He 
says:— 

4 We perceive that there was, upon our advance 
to the Borders, a very disorderly carriage of some 
horse; who, without order, did steal over the Tweed 
and plundered some places; since that, some strag¬ 
glers have been alike faulty; to the wrong of the 
inhabitants, and to our very great grief of heart. 

4 1 have been as diligent as I can to find out the 
men that have done the wrong, and I am still in 
the [or about the] discovery thereof; and I trust 
there shall be nothing wanting on my part that may 
testify how much we abhor such things. I cannot 
find the facts to lie upon the regiments of this army, 
but upon some of the northern horse, who have not 
been under our discipline and government until we 
came into these parts. I have commanded those 
forces away back again into England, and I hope the 
exemplarity of justice will testify for us our great 
detestation of that action/ 

Considering the wretched and scanty supply of pro¬ 
visions served out to the army, and the impoverished 



AFFAIRS IN THE NORTH. 


391 


state of Oliver’s exchequer, it is not surprising that 
the soldiers were sometimes driven to resort to free 
quarters when on their route. There was, however, 
fortunately no fighting necessary for Oliver’s men 
to be done [north of the Tweed], the rapidity of his 
movements disconcerting all manoeuvres on the part 
of the Scots; whilst Monroe’s forces, now over the 
northern Border, joined with those of Lord Lanark’s, 
opposed by several Scottish regiments favourable to 
the Parliament, under the Earl of Leven and General 
Lesley. Cromwell, in a letter to the Speaker, gives an 
interesting and succinct account of affairs in the 
north, as follows:— 

‘ Berwick : October 2, 1648. 

1 To the Honourable William Lenthall. 

4 The two [Scottish] armies being drawn up, the one 
under Lanark and Monroe at Stirling, and the other 
under the Earl of Leven and Lieutenant-General Les¬ 
ley, betwixt that and Edinburgh; the heads of these 
two armies being upon treaties concerning their own 
affairs; and I, having given, as I hoped, sufficient 
satisfaction concerning the justice of your cause, and 
the clearness of my intention in entering that king¬ 
dom, did, upon Thursday, September 21, and two days 
before, the Tweed being fordable, march over Tweed, 
at Norham, into Scotland, with four regiments of 
horse, some dragoons, and six regiments of foot; 
and there quartered, my head-quarters being at the 
Lord Mordington’s house. Where, hearing that the 
Marquis of Argyle, the Lord Elcho, and some others, 
were coming to me from the committee of estates, 


CHAP. 

XIII. 

1648 


392 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, assembled at Edinburgh, I went, on Friday, September 

XIII 0 

22, some part of the way to wait upon his lordship, 
1648 who, when he was come to his quarters, delivered me 
a letter, signed by the Lord Chancellor, by warrant of 
the committee of estates. . . . 

‘ The next day it was resolved that the command of 
the committee to the Governor of Berwick, for render¬ 
ing the town of Berwick, should be sent to him by 
the Lord Elcho and Colonel Scot. Which accord¬ 
ingly was done. But he, pretending that he had not 
received the command of that place from those hands 
that now demanded it of him, desired liberty to send 
to the Earl of Lanark; engaging himself then to give 
his positive answer. Whilst these things were trans¬ 
acting, I ordered Major-General Lambert to march 
towards Edinburgh with six regiments of horse and 
a regiment of dragoons. Who accordingly did so, 
and quartered in East Lothian, within six miles of 
Edinburgh : the foot lying in his rear at Copperspath 
and thereabouts. 

‘ Upon Friday, September 29, came an order from 
the Earl of Lanark and divers lords of his party, 
requiring the governor to march out of that town, 
which accordingly he did, on Saturday, the last of 
September, at which time I entered; and have 
placed a garrison there for your use. . . . 

‘ I have also received an order for Carlisle, and 
have sent Colonel Bright, with horse and foot, to 
receive it ... . there having been a treaty and an 
agreement betwixt the two parties in Scotland, to 
disband all forces, except fifteen hundred horse and 
foot, under the Earl of Leven, which are to be kept to 
see all remaining forces disbanded/ 


DEPARTURE FROM EDINBURGH. 


393 


The way being clear for an amicable adjustment, 
Cromwell marched into Edinburgh the day following, 
where he was received with great marks of distinction 
by the Lord Provost, and the inhabitants. A sump¬ 
tuous banquet was prepared for him at the castle, 
Lord Argyle and the principal Scottish nobility being 
present ; and during his stay, the Lord Provost 
entertained him with much hospitality, all charges 
being defrayed by the city, Moray House, in the 
Canongate, belonging to the Earl of Moray, being set 
apart for his occupation. 

Leaving Lambert, with two regiments of horse, to 
keep in check the malignants, Cromwell, on the follow¬ 
ing Saturday, left Edinburgh. 4 At our departure,’ 
wrote one who was present, 4 many pieces of ordnance 
and a volley of small shot was given us from the 
castle, and some lords convoying us out of the city, 
so we parted.’ Writing from Dalhousie, on the 
9th, to the Speaker, Cromwell gives an interesting 
summary of his proceedings in Scotland, and con¬ 
cludes thus:— 

4 Having proceeded thus far as a soldier, and I trust 
by the blessing of God, not to your disservice; and 
having laid the business before you, I pray God direct 
you to do further as may be for His glory, the good 
of the nation wherewith you are intrusted, and the 
comfort and the encouragement of the saints of God 
in both kingdoms and all the world over. I do think 
the affairs of Scotland are in a thriving pasture, as to 
the interest of honest men: and [Scotland is] like to 
be a better neighbour to you now than when the 
great pretenders to the Covenant and religion and 


CHAP. 

XIII. 

1648 


394 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

XIII. 


1648 


treaties, I mean Duke Hamilton, the Earls of Lau¬ 
derdale, Traquair, Carnegy, and other confederates, 
had the power in their hands. I say that that party, 
through the treachery of some in England, had not 
only endangered the whole State and kingdom of 
England; but also brought Scotland into such a con¬ 
dition as that no honest man—who had the fear of 
God, or a conscience of religion—the just ends of the 
covenant and treaties, could have a being in that 
kingdom. But God, who is not to be mocked or 
deceived, and is very jealous when His name and 
religion are made use of to carry on impious designs, 
hath taken vengeance of such profanity, even to aston¬ 
ishment and admiration. And I wish from the bottom 
of my heart, it may cause all to tremble and repent 
who have practised the like, to the blasphemy of His 
name and the destruction of His people: so as they 
may never presume to do the like again ! And I 
think it is not unseasonable for me to take the humble 
boldness to say thus much at this time. 

1 All the enemy’s forces in Scotland are now dis¬ 
banded. The committee of estates have declared 
against all of that party’s sitting in the [Scottish] 
Parliament. Good elections are made in divers 
places of such as dissented from and opposed the 
late wicked engagement; and they are now raising 
a force of about 4,000 horse and foot:—which until 
they can complete they have desired me to leave two 
regiments of horse and two troops of dragoons. 
Which accordingly I have resolved, conceiving I have 
your warrant by your late votes so to do; and have 
left Major-General Lambert to command them. 




SURRENDER OF PONTEFRACT CASTLE. 


395 


c I have received, and so have the officers with me, chap. 

xiii 

many honours and civilities from the committee of 
estates, the city of Edinburgh, and ministers ; with a 
noble entertainment, which we may not own as done 
to us, but as your servants. I am now marching 
towards Carlisle, and I shall give you such further 
accounts of your affairs as there shall be occasion.’ 

Our next glimpse of Cromwell, on his way south, 
is at Pontefract, the castle of which had been seized 
by the delinquents, and forcibly held from the Par¬ 
liament by the governor, Morris, a staunch Royalist. 

1 They were,’ says Cromwell, in a letter to the 
committee sitting at Derby House, ‘ well victualled 
with two hundred and twenty or forty head of fat 
cattle: and they have gotten salt enough for them, 
and more so, that I apprehend they are victualled 
for a twelvemonth. The place is very well known 
to be one of the strongest inland garrisons in the 
kingdom, well watered, situated upon a rock on 
every part of it, and therefore difficult to mine. The 

walls very thick and high, with strong towers. 

The country is exceedingly impoverished, not able to 
bear free quarter, nor well able to furnish provisions 
if we had moneys.’ 

Oliver, however, had no intention of personally 
undertaking the siege of this place; other and more 
imperative business, as will be seen, requiring his 
presence nearer London. Meanwhile, according to 
his recommendations, the House voted the necessary 
supplies and ammunition. The castle did not sur¬ 
render until the following March. 

We close this chapter with a remarkable letter 



396 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

XIII. 


1648 


written by Cromwell during his quiet sojourn at 
Knottingley, to his friend Hammond, at the Isle of 
Wight, who appears to have been ill-at-ease there, 
and troubled with conscientious scruples as to how far 
lawful resistance to constituted authority might fairly 
be carried. The lucid manner Cromwell deals with 
this subject, and the conclusions he arrives at, are but 
a prelude to the sad catastrophe, two months hence, at 
Whitehall. 


* Knottingley, near Pontefract: November 25, 1648. 

‘ To Colonel Robert Hammond : these— 

# 

‘Dear Bobin,— No man rejoiceth more than myself 
to see a line from thee. I know thou hast long been 
under trial. Thou shalt be no loser by it. All must 
work for the best. 

‘Thou desirest to hear my experiences. I can tell 
thee, I am such a one as thou didst formerly know, 
having a body of sin and death; but I thank God, 
through Jesus Christ our Lord, there is no condemna¬ 
tion, though much infirmity; and I wait for the 
redemption. And in this poor condition I obtain 
mercy and sweet consolation through the Spirit; and 
find abundant cause every day to exalt the Lord, and 
abase the flesh, and herein, I have some exercise. 

‘ As to outward dispensations, if we may so call them, 
we have not been without our share of beholding 
some remarkable providences and appearances of the 
Lord: His presence hath been amongst us, and by 
the light of His countenance we have prevailed. We 
are sure the good will of Him who dwelt in the 
Bush hath shined upon us, and we can humbly say, 



397 


Cromwell’s letter to hammond. 

we know in whom we have believed; who can and 
will perfect what remaineth and us also in doing what 
is well-pleasing in His eye-sight. 

‘I find some trouble in your spirit, occasioned first, 
not only by the continuance of your sad and heavy 
burden as you call it, but [also] by the dissatisfaction 
you take at the ways of some good men whom you 
love with your heart, who [act] through this princi¬ 
ple—that it is lawful for a lesser part, if in the right, 
to [resort] to force. 

‘To the first: [you] call your burden sad or heavy: 
If your Father laid it upon you, He intended neither. 
He is the Father of lights, from whom comes every 
good and perfect gift; who of His own will begot us, 
and bade us count it all joy when such things befall 
us; they being for the exercise of faith and patience, 
“ whereby in the end we shall be made perfect.” 
(James i.) 

‘Dear Robin, our fleshly reasonings ensnare us: 
these make us say “heavy,” “sad,” “pleasant,” “easy.” 
Was there not a little of this when Robert Hammond, 
through dissatisfaction, too, desired retirement from 

O 11 

the army, and thought of quiet in the Isle of Wight? 
Did not God find him out there? I believe he will 
never forget this. And now I perceive he is to seek 
again, partly through this heavy burden, and partly 
through his dissatisfaction with friends’ actings. 

‘ Dear Robin, thou and I were never worthy to be 
door-keepers in this service. If thou wilt seek, seek 
to know the mind of God in all that chain of Provi¬ 
dence whereby God brought thee thither, and that 
person to thee : how, before and since God has ordered 


CHAP. 

XIII. 


1648 



398 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

XIII. 


1648 


him, and affairs concerning him: and then tell me, 
whether there be not some glorious and high meaning 
in all this, before what thou hast yet attained? And 
laying aside thy fleshly reason, seek of the Lord to 
teach thee what that is; and He will do it. I dare 
be positive to say, It is not that the wicked should be 
exalted that God should so appear; as, indeed, He hath 
done; for there is no peace to them . No, it is set 
upon the hearts of such as fear the Lord; and we 
have witness upon witness that it shall go ill with 
them and their partakers. 

4 1 say, again, seek that spirit to teach thee, which is 
the spirit of knowledge and understanding, the spirit 
of council and might, of wisdom, and of the fear of 
the Lord. That spirit will close thine eyes and stop 
thine ears, so that thou shalt not judge by them; but 
thou shalt judge for the meek of the earth, and thou 
shalt be made able to do accordingly. The Lord direct 
thee to that which is well pleasing in His eyesight. 

4 As to thy dissatisfaction at friends’ actings upon 
that supposed principle, I wonder not at that. If a 
man take not his own burden well, he shall hardly 
others; especially if involved by so near a relation of 
love and Christian brotherhood as thou art. I shall 
not take upon myself to satisfy, but I hold myself 
bound to lay my thoughts before so dear a friend. 
The Lord do His own will. 

4 You say, 44 God hath appointed authorities among 
the nations, to which active or passive obedience is 
to be yielded. This resides in England in the Parlia¬ 
ment. Therefore active or passive obedience, &c.” 

4 Authorities and powers are the ordinance of God. 



Cromwell's letter to hammond. 


399 


This or that species is of human institution, and 
limited, some with larger, others with stricter, bands, 
each one according to its constitution. [But] 1 do 
not, therefore, think the authorities may do anything, 
and yet such obedience be due. 

4 All agree that there are cases in which it is lawful 
to resist. If so, your ground fails, and so likewise 
the inference. Indeed, dear Robin, not to multiply 
words, the query is, whether ours be such a case? 
This, ingenuously, is the true question. 

4 To this I shall say nothing, though I could say 
very much; but only desire thee to see what thou 
findest in thy own heart to two or three plain con¬ 
siderations. First , whether Salus Populi be a sound 
position. Secondly, whether in the way in hand, 
really and before the Lord, before whom conscience 
has to stand, this be provided for:—or, if the whole 
fruit of the war is not like to be frustrated, and all 
most like to turn to what it was, and worse? And 
this, contrary to engagements, explicit covenants with 
those who ventured their lives upon those covenants 
and engagements, without whom, perhaps, in equity, 
relaxation ought not to be? Thirdly, whether this 
army be not a lawful power, called by God to oppose 
and fight against the King upon some stated grounds; 
and being in power to such ends may not oppose one 
name of authority for those ends, as well as another 
name, since it was not the outward authority sum¬ 
moning them, that by its power made the quarrel 
lawful, but the quarrel was lawful in itself? If so, 
it may be, acting will be justified in foro humano. 
But truly this kind of reasonings may be but fleshly, 


CHAP. 

XIII. 


1618 



400 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

XIII. 


1G48 


either with, or against; only it is good to try, what 
truth may be in them. And the Lord teach us. 

4 My dear friend, let us look into providences; surely 
they mean somewhat. They hang so together—have 
been so constant, so clear, unclouded. Malice, swoln 
malice, against God’s people, now called 4 saints,’ to 
root out their name; and yet they, these poor saints, 
getting arms, and therein blessed with defence and 
more! I desire he that is for a principle of suffer¬ 
ing would not too much slight this. I slight not him 
who is so minded; but let us beware lest fleshly 
reasoning see more safety in making use of this prin¬ 
ciple than in acting ! Who acts, if he resolves not 
through God to be willing to part with all? Our 
hearts are very deceitful; on the right and on the 
left. 

4 What think you of Providence disposing the hearts 
of so many of God’s people this way, especially in 
this poor army, wherein the great God has vouchsafed 
to appear ! I know not one officer among us, but is 
on the increasing hand [of this opinion.] And let 
me say, it is after much patience,—here in the 
north. We trust, the same Lord who hath framed 
our minds in our actings, as with us in this also. 
And all contrary to a natural tendency, and to those 
comforts our hearts could wish to enjoy as well as 
others. And the difficulties probably to be encoun¬ 
tered with, and the enemies, not few, even all that 
is glorious in this world. Appearances of united 
names, titles, and authorities, and yet not terrified: 
only desiring to fear our great God, that we do 
nothing against His will. Truly this is our con¬ 
dition. 



Cromwell’s letter to hammond. 

1 And to conclude. We in this northern army were 
in a waiting posture, desiring to see what the Lord 
would lead us to ... . Dear Robin, beware of 
men: look up to the Lord. Let Him be free to 
speak and command in thy heart. Take heed of the 
things I fear thou hast reasoned thyself into; and 
thou shaft be able through Him, without consulting 
flesh and blood, to do valiantly for Him and His 
people. 

c Thou mentionest somewhat as if, by acting against 
such opposition as is like to be, there will be a 
tempting of God. Dear Robin, tempting of God 
ordinarily is either by acting presumptuously in 
carnal confidence, or in unbelief through diffidence: 
both these ways Israel tempted God in the wilder¬ 
ness, and He was grieved by them. Not the en¬ 
countering difficulties, therefore, makes us to tempt 
God: but the acting before and without faith. If 
the Lord have in any measure persuaded His people, 
as generally He hath, of the lawfulness, nay of the 
duty , this persuasion prevailing upon the heart is 
faith; and acting thereupon is acting in faith ; and the 
more the difficulties are, the more the faith. And it 
is most sweet that he that is not persuaded have 
patience towards them that are, and judge not: and 
this will free thee from the trouble of other’s actings; 
which thou sayest, adds to thy grief. Only let me 
offer two or three things, and I have done. 

4 Dost not thou think this fear of the levellers (of 
whom there is no fear 4 4 that they would destroy 
nobility, &cA) has caused some to take up corruption, 
and find it lawful to make this ruining hypocritical 


\ 


401 


CHAP. 

XIII. 

—-t-- 

1648 


D D 


402 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, agreement on one part? 1 Hath not this biassed even 
- some good men ? I will not say the thing they fear 

1618 will come upon them; but if it do, they will them¬ 

selves bring it upon themselves. Have not some of 
our friends, by their passive principle, been occa¬ 
sioned to overlook what is just and honest, and to 
think the people of God may have as much or more 
good the one way than the other? Good by this 
man,—against whom the Lord hath witnessed; and 
whom thou knowest! Is this so in their hearts ; or 
is it reasoned, forced in? 

4 Robin, I have done. Ask we our hearts. Whether 
we think, that after all these dispensations, the like 
to which many generations cannot afford—should 
end in so corrupt reasonings of good men; and 
should so hit the designs of bad ? Tbinkest thou, 
in thy heart, that the glorious dispensations of God 
point out this? Or to teach His people to trust in 
Him, and to wait for better things,—when, it may be, 
better are sealed to many of their spirits ? And I, as 
a poor looker-on, I had rather live in the hope of 
that spirit [which believes that God does teach us] 
and take my share with them , expecting a good 
issue, than be led away with the others. 

4 This trouble I have been at, because my soul loves 
thee, and I would not have thee swerve, or lose any 
glorious opportunity the Lord puts into thy hand. 
The Lord be thy counsellor. Dear Robin, I rest 
thine, 

‘Oliver Cromwell.’ 


1 Treaty now going' on'at Newport. 



CHAPTER XIV. 


Last Treaty with the King—Its Failure—Parliament disposed to Tem¬ 
porize with the Loyalists—Vigilant Watchfulness of Cromwell’s 
Friends—Composition of Delinquents’ Estates. Cromwell’s Firmness 
in Colonel Owen’s Case—Army Petition against the Newport Treaty 
—Chief Features of the Treaty—Unyielding Character of the Prelates 
and Clergy who surround the Monarch—Sunday Observances at Court 
—The Breach widens between Parliament and the Army—The Provo¬ 
king Causes as stated by Fairfax—Army Remonstrances—A New Cry 
raised of ‘ Justice against the Chief Delinquent!’—Approach of the 
Final Struggle for Supremacy—Vote of the House, and Response of 
the Army—Head Quarters Removed from St. Alban’s to Windsor— 
The Last Week in November and the State of Parties — Secret 
Expedition Organized to Seize the King—Council of War—Colonel 
Ewer Dispatched with Troops to Carisbrook Castle—The King Re¬ 
moved by Ewer to Hurst Castle—Hammond Superseded—Anger of 
the House of Commons, and its Refusal to Consider the Army Re¬ 
monstrance—The Army Marches on London—Publish their Declara¬ 
tion—Alarm of the Citizens—Soldiers Quartered at Whitehall—Ano¬ 
ther great Debate in the House—Pride’s Purge—Terror among the 
Corporation—40,000/. demanded by the General—Agreed to by the 
Common Council—Cromwell appears in Parliament and Receives Vote 
of Thanks — Release of the Presbyterian Members — The Army 
Leaders Paramount—Speedy proceedings taken against the King— 
Trial and Execution. 

One more treaty, the last of the series which, like 
its predecessors, was destined to come to nothing, had 
been begun with the King at the Isle of Wight. 
True to his royal instincts and convictions, which no 
adversity could instruct, he was still strong as ever 
in the belief that the settlement of the nation with¬ 
out him was a moral impossibility. He had just 
seen the revolted fleet under the command of the 



404 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

XIV. 


1648 


fiery Rupert, scattered to the winds in the Downs; 
the armed intervention of the Scottish nation equally 
brought to naught, and the Cavaliers everywhere 
discomfited, yet he clung, with all the tenacity of 
his nature, to the vain hope of being able to win by 
negotiation what he had failed to obtain by force of 
arms. 

In truth, the Parliament, relieved for a time from 
the presence of the army, and the stern will of its 
guiding genius, had, during Cromwell’s northern 
campaign, become daily more and more inclined to 
temporize as formerly with the Royalist and Presby¬ 
terian parties. Quick at discerning any opening for 
a compromise, the King lost no time in setting on 
foot another treaty. Meanwhile, instructions were 
issued dealing more leniently with the delinquents 
and their property. Cromwell’s friends in London, 
took care to keep him well acquainted with these 
matters; and whilst detained before Pontefract, he 
more than once remonstrated in reference to the tem¬ 
porizing orders he received concerning delinquents. 

Writing from Knottingly, near Pontefract, on No¬ 
vember 20, to Messrs. Jenner and Ashe, two of the 
Parliament commissioners for arranging the com¬ 
positions of delinquents’ estates, he says:— 

4 1 received an order from the Governor of Nottin^- 

O 

ham, directed to him from you, to bring up Colonel 
Owen, or take bail for his coming up to make his 
composition, he having made an humble petition to 
the Parliament for the same. 

4 If I be not mistaken, the House of Commons did 
vote all traitors that did adhere to, or bring in the 



TEMPORIZING POLICY OF THE PARLIAMENT. 


405 


Scots, in tlieir late invading of this kingdom, under chap. 

Duke Hamilton. And not without very clear jus- *_A- 

tice; this being a more prodigious treason than any 1648 
that had been perfected before; because the former 
quarrel was, that Englishmen might rule over one 
another; this,—to vassalize us to a foreign nation. 

And their fault, who have appeared in this summer’s 
business, is certainly double to theirs who were in 
the first, because it is a repetition of the same offence 
against all the witnesses that God has borne by 
making a second war. 

4 You will pardon me if I tell you how contrary 
this is to some of your judgments at the rendition of 
Oxford, when two years was thought too little to 
expiate tlieir offence. But now, when you have such 
men in your hands, and it will cost you nothing to 
do justice; now, after all this trouble and the hazard 
of a second war,—for a little money all offences shall 
be pardoned ! . . . 

4 Gentlemen, though my sense does appear more 
severe than perhaps you have would have it, yet 
give me leave to tell you I find a sense among the 
officers concerning such things—to amazement to see 
their blood made so cheap, and to see such manifest 
witnessings of God, (so terrible and so just) no more 
reverenced.’ 

On this same November 20, Cromwell wrote as 
follows to Fairfax:— 

4 1 find, in the officers of the regiments, a very 
great sense of the sufferings of this poor kingdom; and 
in them all a very great zeal to have impartial justice 
done upon offenders. And I must confess, I do, in 


406 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

XIV. 


1648 


all from my heart, concur with them: and I verily 
think and am persuaded they are things which God 
puts into our hearts.’ 

With this letter was enclosed an important petition 
to the general, from the regiments under Cromwell, 
against the treaty going on at Newport, Isle of 
Wight. A glance at the chief features of the treaty 
which was subsequently presented to Parliament, 
and also at the army remonstrance, will suffice to 
show the great divergence of views, objects, and 
intentions between the real parties at issue. The 
army insisted that the Prince of Wales and the 
Duke of York 4 be declared incapable of Government; 
that justice be done against capital causers ‘of the 
war’ (meaning the King) ; a period to be put to 
the duration of the present Parliament, and frequent 
Parliaments secured ; that none who have engaged 
in the late war against the Parliament be capable of 
voting at elections; and, lastly, that no King of 
England should be permitted to reign but by the 
election of the people. 

In reference to the treaty, the most favourable 
terms the Parliamentary commissioners could obtain 
from the King were a few trivial concessions, such 
as had already been declared unsatisfactory and in¬ 
sufficient: the greatest boon of all being withheld, 
namely, the abolishment of Episcopacy; he, however, 
informed the House that he had no intention 4 to 
make any more bishops for three years.’ More than 
this, his Majesty could not be prevailed on to sanc¬ 
tion, although, as we are told, 4 he was earnestly 



PRIESTLY COUNSEL AT COURT TRIUMPHANT. 


begged by some of the commissioners with tears, and 
on their knees.’ 

Unyielding as ever, the prelates, so ably repre¬ 
sented by those of the priestly party who still sur¬ 
rounded the monarch, were once more, and for the 
last time, triumphant; who, rather than diminish their 
own power and greatness, were willing to hazard the 
King, his crown, and his life. But it was to no pur¬ 
pose that their policy of delay had been accepted by his 
Majesty ; and still trusting to the chapter of accidents 
that something would occur in his favour, he hesitated 
until too late giving them a refusal and dismissal. 

On the Sunday following the King heard the 
prayers read as usual in the castle; the Parlia¬ 
mentary commissioners had their service in a room 
adjoining,—Vines and Marshal, the Presbyterian 
ministers, we are told, praying for a ‘happy peace;’ 
but a happy peace in their sense of the word 
must have been far from the desire of the King and 
the court, if we may judge from the following form 
of prayer his Majesty caused to be used on this 
occasion:— 

1 Soften the most obdurate hearts with a true 
Christian desire of saving these men’s blood; or, if 
guilt of our great sins cause this treaty to break off, 
Lord, let truth clearly appear who those men are 
which, under pretence of the public good, do pursue 
their own private ends; that the people be no longer 
blindly miserable as not to see at least in this their 
duty the things that belong to their peace.’ 

The old breach between the Parliament and the 
army had again been renewed, and was widening 


408 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap, daily. The same reckless inattention to the wants 
and requirements of the latter continued; accumulated 
1648 arrears of pay; the necessity, so odious to the soldiers, 
of resorting to free quarters, still remained in unmiti¬ 
gated force as ever, the alternative being starvation. 
‘ Not one penny for eighteen weeks, and the soldiers 
much discontented,’ remarks a contemporary in the 
month of November. A report that the army in¬ 
tended early in October to march upon London, had 
the effect of frightening the Commons into a vote of 
100,000/. for arrears, and an order for 5,000 suits of 
army clothing; but neither the money nor the clothes 
were ever delivered. To make this matter more 
aggravating to the soldiers, they found out that it 
was not for want of the means to furnish these 
requisites, but of inclination; for Fairfax stated dis¬ 
tinctly, in his complaints to the House, three weeks 
later, when mentioning the trials, difficulties, and 
hardships the army had undergone, that the refusal 
could not be because c there were no funds, for the 
taxes had been generally paid.’ 

Three petitions, or rather remonstrances, one from 
each of the three divisions of the army, were at this 
time presented, which gave great offence to Parlia¬ 
ment. The respectful tone of humble suitors usually 
preserved in such documents was conspicuously 
absent; and a stern demand for ‘justice against the 
chief Delinquent and his party ’ formed the chief 
burden of their requests. Expressions of obedience to, 
or a recognition of, the Parliament as the head tribunal, 
to whom allegiance was due, found no place in any 
of the three. 


FINAL STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY. 


409 


It was clear that the final struggle for supremacy 
was at hand, the future destinies of England were 
to be decided in the favour of one party or the other, 
a joint occupancy of power being no longer prac¬ 
ticable. 

The results of so unequal a contest could never for 
a moment have been doubtful. On the one side, 
there was nothing but weakness, hesitation, timidity, 
and delay; on the other, straightforward boldness in 
a policy and plan promptly carried out with energy 
and decision. The key to the whole position, as on 
a former occasion, lay in the possession of the King’s 
person. Here the Parliament committed a great 
error; instead of bringing his Majesty to their own 
stronghold of London, a step the King was desirous 
of taking, the Parliament, strange as it seems, left 
him almost unguarded in a remote island, surrounded 
by a mere handful of troops. 

On November 15 the Houses passed a vote that 
the King should come with honour and safety to 
London, so soon as the concessions required in the 
treaty were agreed to. The army responded to this 
by removing their head-quarters from St. Alban’s, 
where they had latterly been stationed, to Windsor. 
Then followed another of those solemn prayer-meet¬ 
ings, which lasted the whole day. At the conclusion 
a council of war was held, when it was unanimously 
agreed to bring ‘ Delinquents to justice, beginning 
with the King himself.’ 

The last week in November was a busy and event¬ 
ful one in the history of the Civil War. At Ponte¬ 
fract, Cromwell, after writing the memorable letter 


CHAP. 

XIV. 


1648 



410 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


CHAP. 

XIV. 

1648 


before quoted, to Hammond, was preparing with all 
his available forces to unite with Fairfax, in order to 
make further demonstrations against the King and 
the Parliament. At St. Alban’s, the army under 
Fairfax was equally engaged in arranging for its re¬ 
moval to Windsor, for a similar object; whilst in 
London the agitation consequent on the army remon¬ 
strances, and the threatened invasion of the city, had 
already put a stop to all business; the Parliament 
meanwhile preparing to oppose the Independents, in 
a last and final effort to uphold the supremacy of 
Presbyterianism. In each of these several spheres 
of action no union or combination existed except 
so far as regarded the army. The others appeared 
blindly pursuing a separate and unconnected sys¬ 
tem, void of method or plan. The King being 
bent on using the Parliament for the destruction 
of the army; the Parliament equally as earnest to 
maintain Presbyterianism, yet anxious to come to 
terms with the King; at the same time greatly de¬ 
siring to get rid of the overwhelming influence of the 


army; whilst the latter had for its leading object— 
which was pursued with relentless and fatal energy— 
the condign punishment of all delinquents, and of the 
4 chief Delinquent in particular.’ 

As a preliminary towards the accomplishment of 
this latter, a secret expedition to the Isle of Wight was 
organized, and rapidly put in execution, the morning 
after the council of war, by Colonel Ewer and some 
troops of horse, who were dispatched with in¬ 
structions to seize the King and remove him to 
Hurst Castle, on the opposite coast of Hampshire. 


THE ARMY MARCHES TO LONDON. 


411 


This enterprise was successfully carried out by that chap. 
officer on November 29, Hammond at the same time 
being superseded by an order from the council of war, 1648 
and his presence at head-quarters required. The 
House of Commons, on learning what had taken place, 
in much irritation directed the Speaker to write to the 
general, requiring at once the reinstation of Ham¬ 
mond; and, as a further proof of their displeasure, the 
House came to a vote, by a majority of ninety, not to 
take into immediate consideration the army remon¬ 
strances lately received. On the news of this last 
act of hostility reaching the army, it was decided 
unanimously to march on London. Accordingly, on 
December 2, after a long prayer-meeting, attended 
by Fairfax and the principal officers, a declaration 
was agreed upon, in which they expressed their 4 sad 
apprehensions of the danger and evil of the treaty, 
and of any accommodation with the King/ concluding 
with the remark, 4 that they can see in the majority 
of those trusted with the great affairs of the kingdom, 
nothing less than a treacherous or corrupt neglect 
and apostacy from the public trust reposed in them.’ 

Fairfax also wrote a letter to the lord mayor and 
common council, acquainting them of the army’s ad¬ 
vance on London, and the grounds thereof, as set forth 
in the remonstrance which had been presented to the 
Llouse by a deputation the week previous. 

It was significantly added that for the better pre¬ 
vention of 4 plunder, wrong, or disorder, 40,000/. had 
better be provided for their immediate wants by the 
night following on the arrival of the army.’ In great 
tribulation the civic authorities posted down to the 



412 


LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


chap. Commons and acquainted them with the extraordinary 
message they had received in the city; a long debate 
1648 ensued, when it was voted that the 4 city do forthwith 
provide the arrear of 40,000/. and a letter to be written 
to the general, informing him it was the pleasure of 
the House that he do not remove the army nearer 
London.* 

It was all, however, of no avail; for the army 
marched into London, and took up their quarters, 
some at Whitehall, others at the King’s Mews, and the 
remainder in the city and suburbs. 

On December 5 ensuing, there followed another 
great debate, not terminating until five the next morn¬ 
ing, when a resolution was carried, by a majority of 
forty-six, to the effect that the concessions made by 
the King 4 were sufficient grounds for settling the peace 
of the kingdom.’ 

This decision of the House, however, had come too 
late. Legislative enactments, be they what they may, 
when passed in the presence of a bold, unscrupulous, 
and victorious army, seldom succeed in becoming law. 

The vote had scarcely been recorded ere the great 
blow was struck by the army at the independence 
of the Parliament, and Colonel Pride, with his regi¬ 
ment of foot, accompanied by a regiment of horse, 
under Colonel Rich, received instructions to take 
possession of all the approaches leading to the House 
of Commons. They found the train-bands who had 
been appointed to guard the avenues since the late 
disturbances in possession; but that force, seeing no 
chance for successful opposition, withdrew immediately, 
and Colonel Pride proceeded to draw up his regiment, 


413 


THE COUP D'ETAT. 

and to post his soldiers on the stairs, and in the lobby 
of the House. Shortly after, the members began to 
assemble, quite unconscious of what was about to 
happen. With Colonel Pride came also Lord Grey 
of Groby, and, as the members entered, Pride, having 
a list in his hand of the proscribed names, gave orders 
to seize on those who were pointed out by Lord Grey. 
Forty-one were arrested and marched off to a neigh¬ 
bouring tavern, exclaiming vehemently, but in vain, 
against this violation of law. The sergeant-at-arms 
was now despatched to General Fairfax, with the 
orders of the House, that the detained members 
should be released instantly ; Fairfax, on his part, sent 
a message complaining that Messrs. Denzil, Hollis, 
Copley, Major-General Massey, and others of the ex¬ 
pelled members, who were impeached of high treason 
and disabled, had been permitted to take their seats 
during the absence of the army. 

So matters remained for the rest of the morning. 
Military despotism had, in fact, supplanted all the 
powers of the State. The following day more arrests 
were made, nor did they cease until the minority in 
the House had become the majority, and the Presby¬ 
terians no longer possessed the power to oppose. 

This coup d'etat was followed by a proclamation, 
issued by General Fairfax, commanding all delinquents 
to depart from London, to a distance not under ten 
miles from the metropolis, under pain of death. 

At the same time all the money that could be 
found at the Haberdashers’, Weavers’, and Goldsmiths’ 
Halls was forcibly taken possession of by two regi¬ 
ments sent for that purpose. These energetic mea- 


CHAP. 

XIV. 


1648 



LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 


sures created great terror in the city, the common 
council at once met, and speedily came to the deck 
sion that the 40,000£. which the general demanded 
should be provided, and they humbly petitioned that 
the army might be withdrawn from the city. The 
only notice Fairfax condescended to take of their 
request was an intimation that unless the money was 
forthcoming within fifteen days, more regiments 
should be quartered upon them, 4 in order to facilitate 
the work.’ 

On the evening of December 6 Cromwell, after a 
long absence, appeared once more in Parliament. On 
this occasion he came to receive the vote of 4 hearty 
thanks for his great service in both kingdoms; ’ and on 
that night, says Ludlow, in his Memoirs, 4 Cromwell 
slept for the first time at Whitehall. ’ 

Ludlow, who was no partisan of Cromwell’s, has done 
him the justice to state, in his Memoirs, that on this 
same evening, the general in a conversation assured 
him that he had been kept entirely ignorant of the 
design (Pride’s purge); 4 adding, that since it was 
done, he was glad of it, and would endeavour to 
maintain it.’ 

As might have been expected, the first act of the 
4 purged ’ House of Commons was to rescind the ob¬ 
noxious votes passed against the army. In the city, 
too, there was no longer observed the belligerent hos¬ 
tility so recently rampant, and the week was barely 
over when their docility to the new order of things 
became manifest. 4 Free quarter’ was found no 
trilling burden, and great was the outcry in conse¬ 
quence. W ithin a week the required amount of 


TRIAL AND EXECUTION OF THE KING. 


415 


money was forthcoming, and beds in abundance were 
provided for the soldiers, who were then removed and 
lodged in the empty dwellings, and in the suburbs. 
All opposition being at an end, the Presbyterian 
members were released from custody, and invited 
to resume their places in the House; but, instead 
of doing so, in the exercise of a wise discretion, after 
what had occurred, they thought proper to decline, 
and retired into the country. 

The will of the army leaders being now paramount, 
on December 12 a resolution passed the House of 
Commons, that no further addresses to the King for 
a personal treaty should be presented, such a proceed¬ 
ing being held ‘highly dishonourable to the Parlia¬ 
ment/ Meanwhile, petitions from all parts of the 
country, and from the different garrisons throughout 
the kingdom, were presented to Parliament, praying 
for ‘justice against the King/ The House lost no 
time in taking these petitions into consideration; and, 
on December 23, a resolution passed for ‘bringing 
the chief Delinquent ’ to trial:—with what results his¬ 
tory has made known. In brief, Charles I. was 
brought to Windsor on December 23, removed to 
St. James’s on the 15th of January following: his trial 
commenced on the 20th, sentence passed on the 27th, 
and the last sad act was carried into effect on the 
30th of January, 1G49. 


CHAP. 

XIV. 


1G48 












' 










' 





















. 





































INDEX. 


ABB 

Abbot, Archbishop of Canterbury, 51, 
85 

Adams, Alderman, 343 
Allen, Adjutant, his account of events 
in 1648, 335 

Alured, Thomas, his letter quoted, 91- 
93 

Amusements, national, of England, 49 ; 
Lancashire petition for Sunday sports, 
53 ; the ‘ Book of Sports,’ 53, 54, 102 
Anne of Denmark, Queen, 58 
Army, standing, origin of, 48 
Army, see Parliamentary forces 
Arminius, doctrines of, condemned, 57 
Ashburnham, with Charles I., 324, 325, 
334, 341 

Ashton, Colonel, 374, 377 


Bacon, Sir Nicholas, 31 
Bacon, Sir Francis, 35, 58, 67, 92 
Baillie, Lieutenant-General, 366, 37L 
376 

Banks, 49 

Banstead Downs, Royalists at, 363 
Barley, Captain, his mutiny, 333. Exe¬ 
cuted, 340 

Barnard, Robert, 105, 106. Cromwell’s 
letters to, 171, 172 
Baronets, creation of, 31 
Barrington, Sir Francis, Bart., 65 
Barrington, Thomas, member for Essex, 
118 

Basing House, siege of, 253 
Bastwick, John, 115, 116 
Bath, 241 

Baxter, Richard, 70, 160, 163 
Beard, Dr., of Huntingdon, 21, 96, 105 
Bedford, Earl of, general of the Parlia¬ 
ment horse, 159 
Belasyse, Lord, 266 

Benevolences, 67. Noy’s ‘ general bene¬ 
volence,’ 83 
Bennet, Sir John, 67 
Berkley, Sir John, 325, 334 


CIIA 

Berry, Lieutenant, 185. Major, 372, 
379 

Berwick, 388, 392 
Bethel, Major, 240, 246 
Bible, authorised version of the, 28 
Billeting soldiers, 83 
Blackheath, meeting of armed men at, 
360 

Bletchington House, surrender of, 226, 
227 

Boroughs, new charters for, of Charles 
I., 105 

Bouchier, Sir James, 63 
Bouchier, Miss, married to Cromwell, 63 
Bowen, Lieutenant-Colonel, 246 
Boynton, Sir Matthew, 115 
Brentford, affair at, 169 
Brereton, Sir W., 228 
Bridgewater, 241 
Bright, Colonel, 374 
Bristol, siege of, 243. Stormed, 245. 
Wretchedness of the city, 249. The 
army at, 342 
Brownists, 25 
Buckingham, Earl of, 363 
Bunce, Alderman, 343 
Burleigh House, 182 
Burton, Henry, 115, 116 


Calendar, Earl, 370, 380 
Cambridge, castle of, seized bv Crom¬ 
well, 159 
Capel, Lord, 385 

Cardiff, defeat of the Royalists near, 
357 

Carisbrook Castle, Charles I. at, 325 
et seq. 

Carlisle, 388, 392 
Cartwright, Fellow of Trinity, 23 
Cavendish, General, 181, 183, 185 
Cavendish, Lord Francis, 363 
Charles I., King of England, 6. Tra¬ 
dition of his visit to Huntingdon, 
21. Becomes heir-apparent, 34. In- 


E E 





418 


CIIA 


INDEX, 


tercedcs with his father for Coke, 69, 
His accession to the crown, 74. His 
marriage, 75. His speech to his first 
Parliament, 77- His message to the 
House of Commons, 80. His inter¬ 
view with them, 81. Despotic modes 
of raising money for his necessities, 
83, 84. His war with Spain, and 
misunderstanding with Prance, 84. 
Compelled to call another Parliament, 
86. Ignorant of constitutional free¬ 
dom, 88. Terminates the session 
abruptly, 93. Commencement of the 
final session of his third Parliament, 
94. Dissolves Parliament and de¬ 
cides to govern without one, 99. 
Sends members to the Tower, 99, 
100. Resorts to monopolies and 
fines for raising money, 108. His 
visit to Scotland, 109. Crowned at 
Holyrood, 109. Attempt to introduce 
Episcopacy into Scotland, 110, 117, 
118. Goes to war with Scotland, 

120. Assembles the Peers at York, 

121. Summons a Parliament, 122. 
Domestic life of the royal family, 122. 
Charles deserts his two favourites, 
Laud and Strafford, 126. His speech 
to Parliament, 129. Wishes to save 
Strafford, 131. Deprived of the 
power of dissolving Parliament, 132. 
Goes to Scotland accompanied by a 
Parliamentary committee, 134. Re¬ 
turns, 136. Banquet given to him 
and the Queen in London, 136. His 
popularity at this time, 137- His un¬ 
fortunate policy towards the Commons, 
137. His answer to the Grand Re¬ 
monstrance, 138-140. Orders the 
arrest of the five members of Parlia¬ 
ment, 143. His visit to the House 
of Commons, 145. And to the 
Guildhall, 147. His answer to the 
petition from the City, 149. Leaves 
Whitehall for Hampton Court, 150. 
Sends a conciliatory message to both 
Houses, 151. Decides to seek foreign 
aid, 152. Sends the Queen to Hol¬ 
land with the Crown jewels, 153. 
Goes to York, 153. His answer to 
a message from Parliament, 154, 
155. Prepares for civil war, 155, 
Orders the Royalists to join him at 
York, 158. Sets up his standard 
at Nottingham, 164. Removes to 
Shrewsbury, 164. Marches towards 
London, 165. Battle of Edgehill, 
165-167. At Oxford, 167. At 
Reading, 168. Returns to Oxford, 
170. His message to Parliament, 


COF 

173. Defeated at Newbury, and 
escapes to Oxford, 209. Counselled 
to beware of Cromwell, 213. Terms 
proposed to the King, 217. His 
interview with the Parliamentary 
Commissioners, 217, 218. The con¬ 
ference at Uxbridge, 219. Charles’s 
insincerity proved, 219. Marches 
towards Chester, 228. Takes Leices¬ 
ter by storm, 228. At Naseby, 233. 
His losses in the West, 239-241. 
Plunders Huntingdon, 243. Loses 
Bristol, 245. His angry letter to 
Prince Rupert, 249. Escapes to the 
Scottish army, 257. His journey, 
263, 264. Rejects proposals for peace, 
270. Delivered by the Scots into the 
hands of the Parliament, 274. At 
Holmby House, 275, 301. Carried 
off by Cornet Joyce to the army, 303. 
At Oatlands Park, 313, 319. At 
Hampton Court, 313, 319. Pro¬ 
posals for an understanding with the 
Parliament not seriously entertained 
by him, 320. Escapes to the Isle of 
Wight, 323-325. His letters to 
Parliament, 328, 329, 331. His 
blindness and infatuation, 331. Pro¬ 
posals of Parliament, 332. And of 
the Scots, 332. The King’s duplicity, 
333. Concludes a clandestine agree¬ 
ment with the Scots, 333. His 
liberty restricted, and his attendants 
discharged, 334. Cromwell’s charac¬ 
ter of the King, 340. Gloomy cha¬ 
racter of the Court at Carisbrook, 
340. Attempts to raise the standard 
for the King, 363. Eailure of the 
last treaty between the Parliament 
and the King, 403-407. Cry of 
justice against him, 409. Secret 
expedition organised to seize him, 

410. Conveyed to Hurst Castle, 

411. His trial and execution, 415 
Charles, Prince (afterwards Charles 

II.), 122. At Hampton Court with 
his tutor, 123, 124. Retreats to the 
Scilly Islands, 257 
Chepstow Castle attacked, 357 
Chester, siege of, 228 
Church of England, state of the, shortly 
after the Reformation, 9 
Church-ales, 102 

Church, Laud’s annual report on the 
discipline of the, 103, 104 
Claypole, Mrs., 268, 269 
Clotworthy, Sir John, 297 
Clubmen of the West, and Cromwell, 241 
Coal, 42 

Coffee introduced, 42 



COIv 


INDEX. 


CRO 


419 


Coke, Sir Edward, Chief Justice, 34, 38, 
39, 69, 79, 87, 90, 92, 112 
Coke, Clement, son of Sir Edward, 81 
Colchester, siege of, 362, 385 
Cole, Rev. Thomas, in full canonicals, 13 
Commons, House of, protest of, and 
answer of James I., 68. Speech of 
Charles I., 77. Condemnation of 
the advisers of the King, 80. Im¬ 
peachment of the Duke of Bucking¬ 
ham, and .debate thereon, 80, 81. 
Interview with the King, 81. Disso¬ 
lution of Parliament, 83. The Re¬ 
monstrance, 83. New Parliament, 
86. Decision of the House, 86, 87. 
Disputes with the King, 89. Sen¬ 
tence of Mainwaring, 89. Mr. Alu- 
red’s account of a scene in the House, 
91-93. Abrupt termination of the 
session, 93. Reassembles, 94. Angry 
debates as to taxes, 96, 97. Struggle 
between the House and the Speaker, 
98. Parliament dissolved, 99. That 
of 1640, 118. The debate on griev¬ 
ances renewed, and the Parliament 
dissolved, 118, 119. Several mem¬ 
bers sent to prison, 119. The Long 
Pai’liament summoned, 122. Peti¬ 
tions against Laud and the bishops, 
127. Laud committed, 127. Acts 
of the Puritan majority, 132. Act 
depriving the King of the power to 
dissolve Parliament at pleasure, 132. 
Protection destroyed, 134. The Grand 
Remonstrance, 135. The King’s policy 
towards the House, 137. The King’s 
answer to the Grand Remonstrance, 
140. Charges against the five mem¬ 
bers, 143. Conference with the Lords, 

144. Visit of the King to the House, 

145. And to the Guildhall, 147, 150. 
Complaint of the House of breach of 
privilege, 150. Despatches members 
to collect men and money, 159. Ap¬ 
points the Earl of Essex Lieutenant- 
General, 159. Cromwell’s speeches, 
213, 216, 217. Exclusion of Episco¬ 
palian clergymen from their pulpits, 
281. Eleven members accused by 
the army of high treason, 297. Sends 
a conciliatory message to the army, 
307. The House invaded by the 
City apprentices, 307. Ordinance in 
favour of ‘tender consciences,’ 316. 
Falling off in the attendance of mem¬ 
bers, 317. Distracted state of affairs, 
359. Pride’s arrest of members, 413. 
Cromwell thanked, 414 

Constable, Sir William, 115 


Convocation grants subsidies to the 
King, 120 
Coriton, W., 99 
Cornwall, revolt in, 361 
Cosens, Mr., 95 
Cousins, Dr., 130 
Coventry, Lord Keeper, 81 
Coverdale, Miles, Bishop of Exeter, 12, 
13 

Cowell, Lieutenant-Colonel, 384 
Cranfield, Lord Treasurer, 92 
Cranmer, Thomas, 3 
Crawford, Major-General, 200 
Cromwell, the. Putney blacksmith and 
brewer, 1 

Cromwell, Bridget (Mrs. Ireton), 71, 

267, 269 

Cromwell, Dorothy (Lady Fleming), 65 
Cromwell, Elizabeth (Mrs. William 
Hampden), 64 

Cromwell, Elizabeth (Mrs. Claypole), 

268, 269 

Cromwell, Frances (Mrs. Whalley, of 
Kirston), 65 

Cromwell, Frances, daughter of the Pro¬ 
tector, 346, 347 

Cromwell, Henry, of Up wood, 64 
Cromwell, Sir Henry, 20 
Cromwell, Joan (Lady Barrington), 
65 

Cromwell, Mary (Lady Dunch), 65 
Cromwell, Mary, daughter of the Pro¬ 
tector, 346, 347 

Cromwell, Mrs., mother of the Protector, 
18, 19, 22 

Cromwell, Mrs., wife of the Protector, 
63 

Cromwell, Oliver, the Protector, birth 
and parentage, 18. Early life, 19, 
20. School-days, 21. At Cambridge, 
22, 36. Leaves college, 49. Extra¬ 
vagance and debauchery, 50, 60. At 
one of the Inns of Court, 50, 51. At 
Huntingdon, 51. Great change in 
his conduct, 60, 61. Causes of tho 
change, 62. His marriage, 63. His 
visit to his sisters’ home at Hunting¬ 
don, 64. His uncles and aunts, 64. 
His first child, Robert, 65. Attends 
his parish church, 65. Member of 
Parliament for Huntingdon, 86. His 
first speech in Parliament, 95, 96. 
Justice of the Peace for Huntingdon, 
105. His quarrel with Mr. Barnard, 
105, 106. Settles at St. Ives, 106. 
His life there, 107, 108. Ilis letter 
on behalf of the Puritan lecturers, 
113. Removes to Ely, 114. Opposes 
tho Fen draining scheme, 114. Pre¬ 
vented from emigrating to America, 


E E 2 



420 


CRO 


INDEX. 


CRO 


115. Returned to Parliament for Cam¬ 
bridge town, 118. Presents a peti¬ 
tion from the Star-chamber victims, 
127. Sir Philip Warwick’s descrip¬ 
tion of him in the House, 127- His 
celebrated remark to Lord Falk¬ 
land, 135. Lends money to the 
State, 158, 159. Employed by the 
House of Commons to raise men and 
money, 159. Seizes Cambridge Castle 
and the University plate, 159. Com¬ 
mands a troop under the Earl of 
Bedford, 159. His military visit to 
his uncle, 160. Baxter’s opinion of 
him, 160, 161. His method of train¬ 
ing his raw recruits, 161. His state¬ 
ment to Parliament concerning his 
soldiers, 162. His anxiety for their 
religious welfare, 163. At Edgehill, 
166. In the eastern counties, raising 
men and money, 170. His letters to 
Robert Barnard, 171, 172. His en¬ 
counter at Hertford, 175. His affair 
at Lowestoft, 175. At Grantham, 
176. His energetic appeal for money, 
178, 179. Money sent to him by 
Parliament, 178, 179. His victory 
at Gainsborough, 181. His descrip¬ 
tion of the fight, 182. Supported by 
Parliament, 187. At Horncastle 
fight, 190. Made Major-General, 
197. His letter to the Dean of Ely, 
197. His activity in the winter of 
1643-4, 199, 200. Takes Hilsden 
House, 200. His letter to Crawford, 
200. At Marston Moor, 202. His 
letter to Colonel Walton, 203. Fol¬ 
lows Rupert to the North, 205. Goes 
to Lincoln, 206. Besieges Knares- 
borough Castle, 206. A glimpse of 
him there, 206. At Newbury, 209. 
His disagreement with the Earl of 
Manchester, 210. Plot for his re¬ 
moval, 211, 212. The King w r arned 
to beware of him, 213. His charges 
in the House against the Earl of 
Manchester, 213. The Earl’s counter¬ 
charges, and Cromwell’s rejoinder, 
214. Sent to intercept the Royalists, 
225. Whom he defeats at Islip 
Bridge, 226. His failure at Farring- 
clon House, 229. Defends the asso¬ 
ciated district, 230, 231. At the 
battle of Naseby, 233-236. His 
letter to the Speaker, 236. His suc¬ 
cesses in the West, 240. His 
management of the clubmen, 241. 
His letter to the Speaker, giving an 
account of the taking of Bristol, 245. 
Before Winchester, which surrenders, 


251. His punishment of plunderers, 

252. Sack of Basing House, 253. 
At Langford House, 256. Rewarded 
by Parliament, 257. Returns to 
London, 266, 267. Marriage of his 
daughter Bridget, 267. Sent by Par¬ 
liament to the army, 289. Accom¬ 
panies Fairfax into the House of 
Commons, 312. At head-quarters at 
Putney, 313. Subdues the Levellers, 
314. His visits to the King at 
Hampton Court, 319. Abused in 
the public prints, 321, His letter 
to the Speaker on the escape of the 
King fr m Hampton Court, 326. 
His letter to Colonel Hammond, 327. 
His altered sentiments towards the 
King, 330. His character of the 
King, 340. His residence in London, 
343. Marriage of his son Richard, 
345-350. His letter to Sir Thomas 
Fairfax, 350. Granted a pension by 
Parliament, 350. Relinquishes his 
pension for the service of the war in 
Ireland, 351. Sent into Wales, 356. 
Besieges Pembroke Castle, 357. His 
letters to General Fairfax and the 
Speaker, 357, 362. Hastens to join 
Lambert in the North, 367. Falls 
on Langdale’s troops, 368. His ac¬ 
count of the battle of Preston, 372 
et scq. His letters to Lord Wharton 
and Oliver St. John, 381, 382. Pleads 
for the widows of soldiers, 384. Joins 
Lambert at Durham, 386. His pro¬ 
clamation from there, 386. His de¬ 
mand of Berwick and Carlisle, 388. 
Marches into Scotland, 389. At 
Edinburgh, 393. At Pontefract 
Castle, 395. At Knottingley, 396. 
His letter to Colonel Hammond, 
396-402. And to General Fairfax, 
405. Thanked by Parliament, 414 

Cromwell, Oliver, son of the Protector, 
71 

Cromwell, Sir Oliver, grandfather of 
the Protector, 9, 20 

Cromwell, Sir Oliver, uncle of the Pro¬ 
tector, 106, 160, 383, 384 

Cromwell, Sir Richard, great-grand¬ 
father of the Protector, 7, 9 

Cromwell, Richard, son of the Protector, 
his birth, 71. His baptism, 71. 
Serves with his father as a cornet of 
horse, 159. At Edgehill, 166. Cap¬ 
tain in the Life-guards, 322. His 
marriage, 345-350. His father’s 
opinion of him, 347 

Cromwell, Robert, father of the Pro¬ 
tector, 9, 18, 22, 49 



CRO 


INDEX. 


FRE 


421 


Cromwell, Robert, son of the Protector, 
65, 71 

Cromwell, Robina, the Protector’s sister, 
64 

Cromwell, Thomas (afterwards Earl of 
Essex), 2, 6, 30 

Cromwells, retributive justice in the 
history of the, 5 
Customs’ duties, 96, 97 


Desborough, Major, 240, 243, 245, 322 
Digges, Sir Dudley, 81, 82 
Divine worship, diversities in the mode 
of celebrating, 10 
Dort, Synod of, 56, 57 
Downhall, Henry, 71, 72 
Dragoon or musketeer, difference be¬ 
tween a cavalry soldier and a, 177 
Dress of the reign of James I., 44 
Druske, General Van, 375 
Dunch, Sir William, of Little Witten- 
ham, 65 


Edgehill, battle of, 165 
Edinburgh, attempt of Charles I. to 
introduce Episcopacy into, 110, 117. 
Scene in St. Giles’s Church, 117. 
Cromwell in, 393 
Elcho, Lord, 391, 392 
Eliot, Sir John, 81, 82, 86, 90, 91, 97, 
99, 100 

Elizabeth, Queen, 10-14, 17 
Elizabeth, the Princess, daughter of 
James I., 33 

Elizabeth, Princess (daughter of Charles 
I.), at Sion House, 319 
England, state of the people of, at the 
close of the sixteenth century, 16. 
In the reign of James I., 39. Popu¬ 
lation of England and Wales at this 
time, 47. State of the kingdom 
during the reign of James I., 69, 70. 
Despotism of Charles I., 83. State 
of the kingdom at the outbreak of the 
civil war, 156. And at the close of 
the first civil war, 258. In the spring 
of 1647, 275, 281. Gloomy prospects 
in the spring of 1648, 353. Invaded 
by the Scots’ army, 364 
Episcopacy, divine right of, 25. At¬ 
tacked in the House of Commons, 
132 

Episcopalian clergymen excluded from 
their pulpits, 281 

Essex, Earl of, appointed Lieutenant- 
General of the Parliament forces, 
159. At Northampton with his 


army, 164. At Edgehill, 166. Takes 
Reading, 174. Cavalry skirmish near 
Oxford, 174. Surrenders to the 
Royalists, 208. His disagreement 
with Waller, 210. And with Crom¬ 
well, 211. 

Ewer, Colonel, 357. Seizes Charles I. 
and conveys him to Hurst Castle, 
410, 411 

Exeter, surrender of, 257 


Fairfax, Lord, 188, 202 
Fairfax, Sir Thomas (afterwards Lord), 
retires before the Earl of Newcastle, 
178. Besieged in Hull, 188. Be¬ 
friends Cromwell, 211. Appointed 
Commander-in-chief, 216. Ordered 
to intercept the Royalists, 225. At 
Islip Bridge, 226. Marches and 
countermarches, 229. At Naseby, 
231, 233. His letter to the House, 
238. Marches to the West, 256. 
Accompanies the King to Holmby 
House, 275. Quells a tumult in the 
City, 284. His explanation to Par¬ 
liament, 288. His messengers ordered 
into custody, 289. Sends a guard for 
the King, 304. Marches towards 
London, 310, 311. At Westminster, 
312. Abused by the public prints, 
321. Cromwell’s letter to him, 350. 
Becomes Lord Fairfax, 357. His in¬ 
action, 359, 361. Marches into Surrey 
and routs the rebels, 362. Takes Col¬ 
chester, 384. His severity to the 
prisoners, 385. Cromwell’s letter to 
him respecting the temporising policy 
of the Parliament, 405. Fairfax’s 
arrangements, 410, His march to 
London, 411 
Fairfax, Lady, 275 
Farringdon House, assault of, 229 
Felton murders the Duke of Bucking¬ 
ham, 94 

Finch, Sir John, Speaker of the 
Commons, 91, 92. His struggle 
with the House, 98 
Fines levied by Charles I., 108 
Finnes, Colonel, 243 
Fleet, failure of the, under Lord Wim¬ 
bledon, 79. And under the Duke of 
Buckingham, 86. Mutiny in Admiral 
Rainsborough’s, 360 
Fleetwood, Colonel, 289 
Fleming, Sir Thomas, son of the Lord 
Chief Justice, 65 

Food in the reign of James I., 40 
Frederick, Elector Palatine, 59, 60 
French, Rev. Dr., 64 




INDEX. 


422 

OAI 

Gainsborough, fight near, 181-183. 
Surrenders to the .Royalists, 186. 
The Parliamentary army at, 232 
Gayer, Sir John, Lord Mayor, 315 
Gibbons, Major, at Reigate, 363 
Gidding, Little, Protestant monastery 
at, 110 

Gloucester, Duke of (son of Charles I.), 
at Sion House, 319 
Glynn, Mr. Recorder, 297 
Gray, Lord, 368 

Greer, Sir John, Lord Mayor, 343 
Grenville, Sir Richard, 229 
Grey, Lord, of Groby, 413 
Gunpowder Plot, 29 


Habeas Corpus Act suspended, 87 
Hackney-coaches, 47, 123 
Hall, Joseph, Dean of Worcester, 39 
Hambledon Hill, affair of, 242 
Hamilton, Duke of, his manifesto, 364. 
Invades England, 364. His dilatori¬ 
ness, 365. Loses the battle of Pres¬ 
ton, 369-376. Surrenders, 380. 
Executed, 380 
Hamilton, Claud, 371, 376 
Hammond, Colonel, 233, 246, 255, 325, 
341, 411. Cromwell’s letter to him, 
396-402 

Hampden, John, 39, 64, 112, 115, 118, 
143, 158, 174 
Hampden, William, 64 
Hampton Court Conference, 28, 101 
Hampton Court, Charles I. at, 313, 
319 

Harley, Mrs., 297 
Harrison, Major, 231, 251, 374 
Haselrig, Sir Arthur, 115, 116, 143 
Hastings, Lord, 238 
Hatton, Sir Charles, 24 
Hayman, Sir Peter, 99 
Heath, Attorney-General, 58 
Henderson, Sir John, 189 
Henrietta, Queen of Charles I., 75, 76, 
84, 85. Her letters, 123, 124. Her 
Popish plots, 131. Her confessors, 
133. Goes abroad with the Crown 
jewols, to raise troops, 152-154. 
Returns to England with supplies, 
173 

Henry, Prince of Wales, 34 
Herbert, Sir Edward, Attorney-General, 
143. Brought to the bar of the 
Lords, and impeached, 152 
Hertford, Cromwell at, 175 
Heveningham, Colonel, 241 
Hilsden House taken by Cromwell, 200 
Hinchinbrook, 9, 20, 304 
Hobart, Sir Miles, 99 


LAN 

Holidays, suppression of, 282, 283 
Holland, Earl of, 363 
Holland House, 311 
Hollis, Denzil, 99, 143, 211, 212, 217, 
218, 297 

Holmby House, Charles I. at, 275, 301 
Hooper, Bishop, 10 
Hopton, Sir Ralph, 138, 257 
Horncastle, fight near, 189 
Horton, Colonel, his victory at Cardiff, 
357 

Houses in the reign of James I., 40 

Hull, 178, 179, 188 

Huntingdon, 18, 21, 64, 105, 243, 244 

Hurry, Colonel, 376 

Hutchinson, Mrs., 367 


Impropriations, lay, 100-102 
Independents, or Congregationalists, 25 
Innes, Lieutenant-Colonel, 376 
Ireland, rebellion in, 140, 141, 317. 

Cruelties of the rebels, 141 
Ireton, Major, 206, 231-234, 267, 269, 
289, 322 

‘ Ironsides,’ Cromwell’s, 107, 160, 225, 
226 

Islip Bridge, battle of, 226 


James I., King of England, 20, 26-29, 
31, 33, 52-55, 57, 65-69, 71, 72. 
Character of his Court, 69 
James, Prince (afterwards James II.), 
122. At Sion House, 319 
Jones, Colonel, in Ireland, 317 
Jonson, Ben, 38 

Joyce, Cornet, carries off the King, 303 

Kent, insurrection in, 361, 362 
Kimbolton, Lord, 143 
King’s evil, 301 

Knaresborough Castle, siege of, 204 
Knighthood, compulsory, 79, 80 

Lamb, Dr., killed, 109 
Lamb, Sir John, 130 
Lambert, General, his reply to the Duke 
of Hamilton, 364. Takes the Duke 
of Hamilton, 380 
Lanark, Earl of, 391, 392 
Lang, Walter, 100 

Langdale, Sir Marmaduke, 233, 365, 
367-369 

Langford House, surrender of, to Crom¬ 
well, 256 

Langhern, General, 357 
Langport, battle of, 239, 240 





INDEX. 


423 


LAN 

Langridge Chapel, action at, 368 
Lascelles, Colonel, 377 
Laud,William (afterwards Archbishop), 
35, 39, 52,70, 73, 86,93,100-103,108, 
109,115-117,125-127, 130, 192-195 
League and Covenant, Solemn, accepted, 
274 

Legge, 324 

Leicester taken by the King, 228. The 
King and Fairfax at, 275 
Lenthall, the Hon. William, Cromwell’s 
letters to, 391, 393 
Lesley, General, 391 
Levellers subdued, 314. Notice of 
them, 314, 315 

Leven, Earl of, commands the Scotch 
army, 197, 202, 265, 391 
Lewis, Sir William, 297 
Lichfield, Earl of, 233 
Lilburn, John, 115, 169 
Lincoln, surrenders to the Koyalists, 
186 

Lisle, Sir George, 385 
Loans,forced,67,79. Condemned, 87,168 
London, external appearance of, in the 
reign of Elizabeth, 47. King James’s 
carriage stopped, 54. Eined, 109. 
Grants a loan to the King, 127. 
Threatens the Lords, 133. Banquet 
to Charles I. in the Guildhall, 136. 
Tumults in, 142. Petition of the 
City to the King, 148. The King’s 
answer, 149. Agitation of the City 
in November, 1642, 168. Disturb¬ 
ances in, 282-284. Fears of the City 
from the army, 297. March of the 
army towards London, 309. Threat¬ 
ened Royalist rising, 358. Rejoicings 
at the battle of Preston, 379. The 
army in the City, 413. Alarm of the 
corporation, 414 
Long, Colonel, 297 

Lords, House of (see also Parliament), 
brings the Attorney-General before 
the bar and impeaches him, 152. 
Their answers to petitioners, 359 
Loudon, Earl of, Chancellor of Scotland, 
211, 389 

Lowestoft, Cromwell at, 175 
Lucas, Sir Charles, 385 
Lunsford, Colonel, Lieutenant of the 
Tower, 143 


Maidstone held by rebels, 362 
Mainwaring, Dr., 85, 89, 95, 96 
Mallery, 69 

Manchester, Earl of, general of the 
associated counties, 170, 200, 202, 
210, 213 


OXF 

Marston Moor, battle of, 202 
Masham, William, member for Colches¬ 
ter, 118 

Massey, Major-General, 241, 297, 309 
Maynard, Sir John, 297 
Mayor, Mr., 344. His daughter married 
to Richard Cromwell, 345 
Michel, Sir Francis, monopoly granted 
to, 66 

Middleton, Lieutenant-General, 366, 
370, 372 

Milleniary Petition, the, 27 
Milton, John, 37, 53, 157 
Mining operations in the reign of James 
I., 46 

Mompesson, Sir Giles, monopoly granted 
to, 66 

Monastic institutions, 3, 8 
Monks, their services, 4 
Monopolies of James I., 32, 66. By 
Charles I., 108 
Monroe, 377, 391 

Montague, Colonel, 245, 247, 251, 254, 
304 

Morgan ap Williams, 2, 6 
Morris, Governor of Pontefract, sur¬ 
renders, 395 

Myddelton, Sir Hugh, 35 


Naseby, battle of, 232 
National Debt, origin of the, 48 
Neale, Bishop of Winchester, 93, 95, 
96, 97 

Newark, siege of, 266 
Newbury, battle of, 209 
Newcastle taken by the Scots, 120 
Newcastle, Lord, 123, 201, 205. Com¬ 
mands the Royalists in the North, 
173, 178, 186 

Newmarket, Charles I. at, 306 
Newport, treaty of, 406. Mutiny at, 
333 

Nichols, Mr., 297 
Nonsuch, royal palace of, 122, 123 
Northampton, the head-quarters of the 
Parliament forces, 164 
Norton, Colonel Richard, 343, 344 
Nottingham, the King’s standard set up 
at, 164 

Noy, William, Attorney-General, his 
scheme of ship-money, 83, 111 


Oatlands Park, Charles I. at, 311, 319 
Oxford University, Presbyterian re¬ 
forms in, 284 

Oxford, Charles II. at, 167, 170. Ca¬ 
valry skirmish near, 174 





424 


PAR 


INDEX. 


PUR 


Parker, Archbishop, 9 

Parliament, the first, of Charles I., 77- 
The King’s message, 80. Dissolution 
of his second Parliament, 81. His 
third Parliament called, 86. Pre¬ 
rogative of Parliament and Act of 
Edward II., 88. The session abruptly 
terminated, 93. Reassembles, 94. 
Dissolved, 99. That of 1640, 118. 
Dissolved, 119. The Long Parlia¬ 
ment summoned, 122. Violent en¬ 
actments trenching upon the pre¬ 
rogatives of the Crown, 129. The 
Act depriving the King of the power 
of dissolving Parliament at pleasure, 
132. Message from Parliament to 
the King, and his answer, 154, 155. 
Preparations for civil war, 155, 158. 
Edgeliill, 165. Message from the 
King, 173. Terms proposed to the 
King, 217. The Conference of Ux¬ 
bridge, 219. Rewards voted to 
Cromwell, 257. Terms of peace re¬ 
jected by the King, 270. Negotia¬ 
tions with the Scots for the surrender 
of the King, 271. Distrust between 
the Parliament and the army, 273, 
279, 286, 297. Failure of proposals 
for an understanding with the King, 
320. Embarrassed by the army 
and the Scots, 321. The King’s 
letter to Parliament, 328, 329. Pro¬ 
posals of peace sent to the King, 332. 
Makes amicable arrangements with 
the army, 335. Cromwell granted a 
pension, which he refuses, 350, 351. 
Threatening events, 353. Reply of 
Parliament to the terms of the Scots, 
who prepare for war, 355. Crom¬ 
well sent into Wales, 356. Further 
addresses to the King forbidden by 
Parliament, 360. The six members 
restored, 360. Difficulties of the 
Parliament, 361. Failure of the last 
treaty with the King, 403. Tempo¬ 
rising policy of Parliament, 405. 
Breach between the army and Par¬ 
liament, 407-409. March of the 
army to London, 411, 412. Pride’s 
purge, 412, 413 

Parliamentary forces, the Earl of Essex 
appointed Lieutenant-General of the, 
159. Battle of Edgeliill, 165-167. 
Take Reading, 174. Their gloomy 
prospects, 177. Their want of funds, 
178. Fight at Gainsborough, 181— 
183, 186. At Lincoln, 186. At Hull, 
188. At Horncastle, 189. At Mar- 
ston Moor, 202. In Cornwall, 208. 
At Newbury, 209. At Islip Bridge, 


226. At Naseby, 233. In the West, 
239. At Bristol, 243-249. At Win¬ 
chester, 251. At Basing House, 253. 
Outcry for disbandment of the army, 
272. Redress of grievances, 273, 
279. Distrust between the Parlia¬ 
ment and the army, 273, 279, 286, 
289, 291, 292. Their manifesto, 
292-296. Turn on the Parliament, 
297. Accuse eleven members of high 
treason, 297. Conciliatory proposals 
of Parliament, 308. March through 
London to Kent and Surrey, 308- 
312. Propose to Parliament to end 
its sittings and elect a new one, 321. 
Head-quarters at Windsor, 327. Ami¬ 
cable arrangements between the Par¬ 
liament and army, 335, 353. Con¬ 
tinuance of grievances, 342. Violence 
of the soldiers, 342, 343. Prepara¬ 
tions for a war with Scotland, 355. 
General Lambert’s reply to the Duke 
of Hamilton’s manifesto, 364. Battle 
of Preston, 369-376. March into 
Scotland, 389. Petition against the 
Newport treaty, 406. Demands of 
the army from the Parliament, 407- 

409. Cry of ‘ justice against the 
chief delinquent,’ 408. Secret expe¬ 
dition organised to seize the King, 

410. March to London, 411 
Parliaments, triennial, Act for, 129 
Peake, Sir Robert, 254 
Pembroke Castle, siege of, 357, 358 
Peters, Hugh, 252, 253, 255, 367 
Philips, Sir John, 211, 212 
Phillips, Sir Robert, 69, 79, 92 
Phillips, Father, his letter, 133 
Pickering, Colonel, 245-247, 251, 253 
Pierce, Dr., Bishop of Bath, 102 
Pillory, the, used by Laud, 115 
Plague, the, of 1625, 76. The three 

great plagues, 76, 77 
Playing-cards, duty on, 109 
Pontefract Castle, siege of, 395 
Portington, Captain, 190 
Post, the, at the beginning of the 17th 
century, 48 
Potato introduced, 43 
Pownal, Major, 373 

Poyer, Colonel, 356. Besieged in Pem¬ 
broke, 357, 358, 367 
Presbyterianism, hostility of the Eng¬ 
lish army to, 279 
Preston, battle of, 369-376 
Preston, Colonel, 241 
Pride, Colonel, 233. His ‘purge,’ 412. 
413 

Prynne, William, 92, 111, 115, 193, 194 
Puritan divines, 25 



INDEX. 


PUR 

Puritans, 17, 18, 23, 24, 28, 29, 57, 70, 
96, 100-102, 113, 132, 198. Saints 
by Act of Parliament, 198 
Purveyance, law of, 48 
Pym, John, 39, 69, 95, 143, 191 


Rainsborotjgh, Colonel, 233,' 246, 247, 
334, 341. Mutiny in his fleet, 360. 
Superseded, 360 
Rainsford, Colonel, 385 
Raleigh, Sir Walter, 34, 35, 38. His 
death, 55 

Reade, Lieutenant-Colonel, 374 
. Reading, 168, 174 
Reformation, 3 
Reigate, skirmish at, 363 
Remonstrance, the, of the House of 
Commons, 83. The Grand, 135, 138, 
139. The King’s answer, 140 
Revenue at the beginning of the 17th 
century, 48 
Reynolds, Dr., 28 
Rh6, Isle, expedition against, 86 
Rich, Sir Nicholas, 90 
Rich, Colonel, 412 
Ritualism under Laud, 70 
River, New, 35 
Rochester held by rebels, 362 
Royalists ordered by the King to join 
him at York, 159. Battle of Edge- 
hill, 165-167. Driven out of Read¬ 
ing, 174. At Grantham, 176. At 
Gainsborough, 181-183, 186. At 

Lincoln, 186. At Hull, 188. At 
Horncastle, 189. At Marston Moor, 
202. In Cornwall, 208. At New¬ 
bury, 209. At Islip Bridge, 226. 
At Naseby, 233. At Langport, 239. 
At Bristol, 243-249. Surrender of 
Winchester, 251. Sack of Basing 
House, 253. Policy of the Royalists, 
259. Seize on Berwick and Carlisle, 
355. Rising in Wales, 356. Threat¬ 
ened insurrection in London, 358. 
Rising in Kent, 362. Attempt of 
the Earl of Holland to raise the 
standard for the King. 363. Inva¬ 
sion and march of the Scots, 365, 
366. Battle of Preston, 369-376. 
Disbandment of the Scots’ army, 394 
Royston, rendezvous of the army at, 
291 

Rupert, Prince, his arrival, 164. At 
Edgehill, 166. His forays, 170. At 
Oxford, 174. Takes Bristol, 177. 
Relieves York, 202. At Marston 
Moor, 202, 205. Goes into Cum¬ 
berland, 205. In the west of Eng¬ 
land, 207. At Worcester, 224. At 


425 

> 

STA 

Naseby, 233. Defeated at Bristol, 
245-247. Letter to him from the 
King, 249. Acquitted by a court- 
martial, 250. Ravages the coast, 
386. Returns to Holland, 386 


Sabbath, the Lancashire petition for 
sports on the, 53. Desecration of the, 
17, 70. Act of Parliament respect¬ 
ing, 78. Care of the Long Parlia¬ 
ment for the sanctity of the, 131. 
Battles fought on the, 165, 166 
Scot, Colonel, 392 

Scotland, Laud’s efforts to establish 
Episcopacy in, 52. Endeavour of 
Charles I. to introduce Episcopacy, 
110, 117, 118. War with, 120. A 
Scotch army raised for the King, 
186, 188. March into England, 197. 
Their negotiations with the Scots for 
the surrender of the King, 271. 
Interference of the Scots with Par¬ 
liament, 321, 332. They send com¬ 
missioners to the King, 332. Prepare 
for war with England, 355. Invasion 
of England by the Scots’ army, 364. 
Their march towards Lancashire, 
366. Defeated at Preston, 369-376. 
Retreat, 377. Their cruelties on 
their retreat, 381. Advance of 
Cromwell and his army into Scot¬ 
land, 389. Disbandment of the Scots’ 
army, 394 

Scots, their avidity for money, 33 
Scroop, Colonel, 363, 377 
Selden, John, 69, 98, 99, 284 
Self-denying Ordinance passed, 216, 
225 

Sexby, Edward, 379 
Ship-money, Noy’s scheme of, 83, 111, 
119, 120 

Shrewsbury declares for the King, 164 
Sibthorp, Dr., 85, 95 
Silk-worm introduced, 4 
Sion House, Charles I.’s children at, 
319 

Skippon, Major-General, 208, 209, 233, 
235, 236, 273, 289, 291, 359 
Slingsby, Colonel, 241 
Smithson, Major, 373 
Soap, monopoly in, 108, 134 
Somerset, Earl of, 34 
Sophia, the Princess, Electress of Han¬ 
over, 59 

‘Sports, Book of,’ 53, 54, 102 
Stage-plays suppressed, 282 
St. Alban’s, the Parliamentary army at, 
292 

Stamford, Earl of, 177 


F F 






426 


INDEX. 


YOR 


STA 

Stapleton, Mrs., 297 
Star-chamber, the, 110. Its acts under 
Charles L, 111 

St. John, Oliver, 64, 129. Letter from 
Cromwell to, 382 
Stockings, silk, 46, 47 
Storie, Mr., Cromwell’s letter to, 113 
Strafford, Earl of, 39, 117. 120, 126, 
130, 132 

Strood, W., 100, 143 
Stuart, Sir Thomas, 114 
Stuarts, retributive justice in the history 
of the, 5. Constitutional freedom 
not understood by the, 88 
Subsidies granted to James I., 66. To 
Charles I., 78, 81. By Convocation, 
120. To the Scottish Parliament, 
110 

Supremacy, oath of, enforced, 10 


Taunton, siege of, 22 8 
Tea introduced, 42 
Thornhaugh, Colonel, 375 
Tillotson, Archbishop, 64 
Tippling Act, 78 
Tobacco introduced, 43 
Tonnage and poundage, 96 
Trim, battle of, 317 

Tudors, retributive justice in the history 
of the, 5 
Turner, Dr., 80 
Turner, Sir James, 366, 369 


Uniformity, Act of, enforced, 10, 30, 
31 

Usher, Archbishop, 187, 281 
Uxbridge, treaty of, 219, 224 


Valentine, Benjamin, 100 
Vane, Sir Harry, 119 
Vestiarian controversy, the, 10 


Villiers, George, Duke of Buckingham, 
34, 35, 67,.77, 80-82, 86. Assassi¬ 
nated, 94 


Wages in the reign of James I., 40, 41 
Wales, Royalist rising in, 356 
Waller, Edmund, the poet, 38 
Waller, General, 207, 210 
Waller, Sir Hardress, 245, 251, 254 
Waller, Sir William, 177, 297 
Walton, Colonel, death of his son, 203, 
204 

Warwick, Sir Philip, 127 
Warwick, Earl of, Lord High Admiral, 
360 

Wastell, Colonel, 377 
Weldon, Colonel, 247 
Wells, Dr., 113 
Wentworth, Sir John, 176 
Wentworth, Sir Thomas, 79 
Westminster Abbey, the Puritans at, 
198 

Westminster Confession of Faith, 187, 
188 282 

Wha'lley, Richard, of Kirston, 65, 183, 
184, 304, 322, 323, 326, 327 
Wharton, Lord, letter from Cromwell 
to, 383 

Whitby, Mr., 92 
Whitgift, Archbishop, 25, 26 
Whitelock, 217, 218 
Wight, Isle of, Charles I. at, 323 et seq. 
Mutiny at, 333. Placed under mar¬ 
tial law, 334 

Wilkins, Rev. Dr., Bishop of Chester, 
64 

Williams family, the, 7 
Williams, Sir Richard, 7 
Williams, Archbishop, 212, 213 
Willoughby, Lord, 181, 184, 186, 200 
Wimbledon, Viscount, 79 
Wimbledon Park, royal palace at, 122 
Winchester, siege of, 251 
Winchester, Marquis of, 254 
Windebank, Colonel, 226. Shot, 228 
Windsor, the Parliamentary army at, 
327. Conference at, 337 
Wolsey, Cardinal, 3 
Wynn, Sir Richard, 138 


Yelverton, Sir John, 67 
York, Council of the King and Peers at, 
122. Siege of, 202 


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The Three Fountains, a Faery Epic 
of Euboea ; with other Verses. By the 
Author of ‘ The Afterglow.’ Fcp. 3s. Gd. 

The Afterglow ; Songs and Sonnets for 
my Friends. By the Author of ‘ The Three 
Fountains.’ Second Edition. Fcp. 8vo. 5s. 


An Old Story, and other Poems. 

By Elizabeth D. Cross. Second Edition. 
Fcp. 8vo. 3s. 6c/. 

Hunting Songs and Miscellane¬ 
ous Verses. By R. E. Egerton Warbur- 
ton. Second Edition. Fcp. 8vo. 5s. 


Rural Sports , ifc. 


Encyclopaedia of Rural Sports ; 

a Complete Account, Historical, Practical, 
and Descriptive, of Hunting, Shooting, 
Fishing, Racing, &c. By D. P. Blaine. 
With above 600 Woodcuts (20 from Designs 
by John Leech). 8vo. 42s. 

Col. Hawker’s Instructions to 

Young Sportsmen in all that relates to Guns 
and Shooting. Revised by the Author’s Son. 
Square crown 8vo. with Illustrations, 18s. 

The Dead Shot, or Sportsman’s Com¬ 
plete Guide; a Treatise on the Use of the 
Gun, Dog-breaking, Pigeon-shooting, &c. 
By Marksman. Fcp. with Plates, 5s. 

A Book on Angling: being a Com¬ 
plete Treatise on the Art of Angling in 
every branch, including full Illustrated ! 
Lists of Salmon Flies. By Francis Francis, 
Second Edition, with Portrait and 15 other 
Plates, plain and coloured. Post 8vo. 15s. ' 

Wilcocks’s Sea-Fisherman : com¬ 
prising the Chief Methods of Hook and Line 
Fishing in the British and other Seas, a 
glance at Nets, and remarks on Boats and 
Boating. Second Edition, enlarged, witli 
80 Woodcuts. Post 8vo. 12s. Gd. 

The Fly-Fisher’s Entomology. 

By Alfred Ronalds. With coloured 
Representations of the Natural and Artifi¬ 
cial Insect. Sixth Edition, with 20 coloured 
Plates. 8vo. 14s. 

Blaine’s Veterinary Art : a Treatise 
on the Anatomy, Physiology, and Curative 
Treatment of the Diseases of the Horse, 
Neat Cattle, and Sheep. Seventh Edition, 
revised and enlarged by C. Steel. 8vo. 
with Plates and Woodcuts, 18s. 


The Cricket Field ; or, the History 
and the Science of the Game of Cricket. By 
James Pycroft, B.A. 4th Edition, fcp. 5s. 

Horse and Man. By C. S. March 
Piiillipps, Author of ‘Jurisprudence,’ &c. 
Fcp. 8vo. 2s. Gd. 

Youatt on the Horse. Revised and 
enlarged by W. Watson, M.R.C.V.S. 8vo. 
with numerous Woodcuts, 12s. Gd. 

Youatt on the Dog. (By the same Author.) 
8vo. with numerous Woodcuts, 6s. 

The Horse’s Foot, and how to keep 

it Sound. By W. Miles, Esq. Ninth Edi¬ 
tion, with Illustrations. Imp. 8vo. 12s. Gd. 

A Plain Treatise on Horse-shoeing. By 

the same Author. Sixth Edition, post 8vo. 
with Illustrations, 2s. Gd. 

Stables and Stable Fittings. By the same. 

Imp. 8vo. with 13 Plates, 15s. 

Hemarks on Horses’ Teeth, addressed to 
Purchasers. By the same. Post 8vo. Is. Gd. 

Robbins’s Cavalry Catechism; or, 

Instructions on Cavalry Exercise and Field 
Movements, Brigade Movements, Out-post 
Duty, Cavalry supporting Artillery, Artil¬ 
lery attached to Cavalry. 12mo. 5s. 

The Dog in Health and Disease. 

By Stonehenge. With 70 Wood En¬ 
gravings. New Edition. Square crown 
8vo. 10s. Gd. 

The Greyhound. By the same Author. 
Revised Edition, with 24 Portraits of Grey¬ 
hounds. Square crown 8vo. 10s. Gd. 

The Ox, his Diseases and their Treat¬ 
ment ; with an Essay on Parturition in the 
Cow. By J. R. Dobson, M.R.C.V.S. Crown 
8vo. with Illustrations, 7s. GcL 


Commerce , Navigation , and Mercantile Affairs. 


Banking, Currency, and the Ex¬ 
changes : a Practical Treatise. By Arthur 
Crump, Bank Manager, formerly of the 
Bank of England. Post 8vo. 6s. 


The Theory and Practice of 

Banking. By Henry Dunning Macleod, 
M.A. Barrister-at-Law. Second Edition 
entirely remodelled. 2 vols. 8vo. 30s. 














20 


NEW WORKS published by LONGMANS and CO 


The Elements of Banking. By 

Henry Dunning Macleod, M.A. of Tri¬ 
nity College, Cambridge, and of the Inner 
Temple, Barrister-at-Law. Post 8vo. 

[ Nearly ready. 

The Law of Nations Considered 

as Independent Political Communities. By 
Sir Travers Twiss, D.C.L. 2 vols. 8vo. 
80s. or separately, Part I Peace , 12s. 
Part II. JFar, 18s. 


McCulloch’s Dictionary, Prac¬ 
tical, Theoretical, and Historical, of Com¬ 
merce and Commercial Navigation. New 
Edition, revised throughout and corrected 
to the Present Time. 8vo. price 63s. cloth, 
or 70s. half-bound in russia. 

Practical Guide for British Ship¬ 
masters to United States Ports. By Pier- 
repont Edwards, Her Britannic Majesty’s 
Vice-Consul at New York. Post 8vo. 8s. 6c/. 


Works of Utility and 

Modern Cookery for Private 

Families, reduced to a System of Easy 
Practice in a Series of carefully-tested Re¬ 
ceipts. By Eliza Acton. Newly revised 
and enlarged; with 8 Plates, Figures, and 
150 Woodcuts. Fcp. 6s. 

On Pood and its Digestion; an 

Introduction to Dietetics. By W. Brinton, 
M.D. Physician to St. Thomas’s Hospital, 
<fcc. With 48 Woodcuts. Post 8vo. 12s. 

Wine, the Vine, and the Cellar. 

By Thomas G. Shaw. Second Edition, 
revised and enlarged, with Frontispiece and 
31 Illustrations on Wood. 8vo. 16s. 

A Practical Treatise on Brewing; 

with Formuke for Public Brewers, and In¬ 
structions for Private Families. By W. 
Black. Fifth Edition. 8vo. 10s. 6c/. 

Short Whist. By Major A. A tho¬ 
roughly revised Edition ; with an Essay on 
the Theory of the Modern Scientific Game 
by Professor P. Fcp. 8vo. 3s. 6c/. 

Whist, What to Lead. By Cam. 
Third Edition. 32mo. Is. 

The Cabinet Lawyer ; a Popular 
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Criminal, and Constitutional. 24th Edition ; 
with Supplements of the Acts of the Par- 
Uliamentary Sessions of 1867 and 186S. 
Fcp. 10s. 6c/. 

The Philosophy of Health ; or, an 

Exposition of the Physiological and Sanitary 
Conditions conducive to Human Longevity 
and Happiness. By Southwood Smith, 
M.D. Eleventh Edition, revised and en¬ 
larged; with 113 Woodcuts. 8vo. 7s. 6c/. 

A Handbook for Readers at the 

British Museum. By Thomas Nichols. 
Post 8vo. 6s. 

Maunder’s Treasury of Know¬ 
ledge and Library of Reference: comprising 
an English Dictionary and Grammar, Uni¬ 
versal Gazetteer, Classical Dictionary, 
Chronology, Law Dictionary, Synopsis of 
the Peerage, Useful Tables, &c. Fcp. 10s. 6c7. 


General Information . 

Hints to Mothers on the Manage¬ 
ment of their Health during the Period of 
Pregnancy and in the Lying-in Room. By 
T. Bull, M.D. Fcp. 5s. 

The Maternal Management of Children 

in Health and Disease. By the same 
Author. Fcp. 5s. 

How to Nurse Sick Children; 

containing Directions which may be found 
of service to all who have charge of the 
Young. By Charles West, M.D. Second 
Edition. Fcp. 8vo. 2s. 6d. 

Notes on Hospitals. By Florence 
Nightingale. Third Edition, enlarged; 
with 13 Plans. Post 4to. 18s. 

Instructions in Household Mat¬ 
ters ; or, the Young Girl’s Guide to Domestic 
Service. Written by a Lady for the use 
of Girls intended for Service on leaving 
School. Seventh Edition. Fcp. Is. 6c/. 

Mary’s Every-Day Book of useful 
and Miscellaneous Knowledge; illustrated 
with Stories, and intended for the use of 
Children. By Frances E. Burbury, 
Author of ‘ Mary’s Geography.’ 18mo. 8s. 6c/. 

The Law relating to Benefit 

Building Societies; with Practical Obser¬ 
vations on the Act and all the Cases decided 
thereon, also a Form of Rules and Forms of 
Mortgages. By W. Tidd Pratt, Barrister. 
2nd Edition. Fcp. 3s. 6c/. 

Willich’s Popular Tables for As¬ 
certaining the Value of Lifehold, Leasehold, 
and Church Property, Renewal Fines, &c.; 
the Public Funds ; Annual Average Price 
and Interest on Consols from 1731 to 1867 ; 
Chemical, Geographical, Astronomical, 
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One-eightli and One-fourth per Cent. By 
J. R. Coultiiart. New Edition. 8vo. 15s. 













INDEX 


Acton’s Modern Cookery. c .. 

Afterglow (The) . 

Alcock’s Residence in Japan. 

Allies on Formation of Christianity. 

Alpine Guide (The). 

Apjohn’s Manual of the Metalloids . 

Arnold’s Manual of English Literature .. 

Arnott’s Elements of Physics . 

Arundines Cami . 

Autumn Holidays of a Country Parson 
Ayre’s Treasury of Bible Knowledge. 


Bacon’s Essays by Whately . 

-Life and Letters, by Spedding .. 

-Works. 

Bain’s Mental and Moral Science . 

-on the Emotions and Will . 

-on the Senses and Intellect. 

-on the Study of Character . 

Ball’s Guide to the Central Alps. 

■-Guide to the Western Alps. 

-Guide to the Eastern Alps . 

Barnard’s Drawing from Nature . 

Bayldon’s Rents and Tillages . 

Beaten Tracks. 

Becker’s Charicles and GalLus . 

Benfey’s Sanskrit-English Dictionary .... 

Black’s Treatise on Brewing. 

Blackley’s Word-Gossip . 

Blackley and Friedlander’s German 

and English Dictionary. 

Blaine’s Rural Sports. 

-Veterinary Art. 

Booth’s Epigrams. 

Bourne on Screw Propeller. 

- ’s Catechism of the Steam Engine.. 

-Examples of Modern Engines .. 

-Handbook of Steam Engine .... 

-Treatise on the Steam Engine.... 

Bowdler’s Family Shakspeare. 

Brande’s Dictionary of Science, Literature, 

and Art. 

Bray’s (C.) Education of the Feelings .... 

-Philos* >phy of Necessity . 

-On Force. 

Brinton on Food and Digestion. 

Brodie’s (Sir C. B.) Works. 

Browne’s Exposition of the 39 Articles.... 

Buckle’s History of Civilisation. 

Bull’s Hints to Mothers. 

-Maternal Management of Children.. 

Bunsen’s Ancient Egypt. 

--God in History. 

---Memoirs. 

Bunsen (E. De) on Apocrypha. 

-’S Keys of St. Peter .. 


20 

19 

16 

15 

16 
9 

5 
8 

18 

6 
14 


5 

3 

4 
7 
7 
7 
7 

16 

16 

16 

12 

13 

16 

17 

6 
20 

7 

6 

19 

19 

6 

12 

12 

13 

13 

12 

18 


9 

7 

7 

7 

20 

10 

13 

2 

20 

20 

3 

3 

3 

15 

15 


Bukbury’s Mary’s Every Day Book . 20 

Burke’s Vicissitudes of Families. 4 

Burton’s Christian Church . 3 

Cabinet Lawyer. 20 

Calvert’s Wife’s Manual . 15 

Cannon’s Grant’s Campaign. 2 

Carpenter’s Six Months in India. 16 

Cates’s Biographical Dictionary. 3 

Cats and Farlie’s Moral Emblems . 11 

Changed Aspects of Unchanged Truths .... 6 

Chesney’s Euphrates Expedition . 17 

-Indian Polity . 2 

-Waterloo Campaign . 2 

Child’s Physiological Essays. 10 

Chorale Book for England . 11 

Churchman’s Daily Remembrancer. H 

Clough’s Lives from Plutarch. 2 

Cobbe’s Norman Kings. 3 

Colenso (Bishop) on Pentateuch and Book 

of Joshua. 14 

Commonplace Philosopher in Town and 

Country . g 

Conington’s Chemical Analysis . 9 

-Translation of Virgil’s Ailneid 18 

Contanseau’s Two French Dictionaries .. 6 

Conybeare and H owson’s Life and Epistles 

of St. Paul. 13 

Cook’s Acts of the Apostles. 13 

-Voyages. 4 

Copland’s Dictionary of Practical Medicine 10 
Coulthart’s Decimal Interest Tables .... 20 
Counsel and Comfort from a City Pulpit .. 6 

Cox’s (G. W.) Manual of Mythology. 17 


-Tale of the Great Persian War 2 

-Tales of Ancient Greeco .... 17 

-(H.) Ancient Parliamentary Elections 1 

-History of the Reform Bills .... 1 

-Whig and Tory Administrations 1 

Cresy’s Encyclopaedia of Civil Engineering 12 


Critical Essays of a Country Parson. 6 

Cross’s Old Story. 19 

Crowe’s History of France. 2 

Crump on Banking, &c. 19 

Culley’s Handbook of Telegraphy. 12 

Cusack’s History of Ireland . 2 


Dart’s Iliad of Homer. 18 

D’Aubign^’s History of the Reformation in 

the time of Calvin.. 2 

Davidson’s Introduction to New Testament 14 

Dayman’s Dante’s Divina Commedia. 18 

Dead Shot (The), by Marksman . 19 

De la Rive’s Treatise on Electricity. 8 















































































































22 


NEW WORKS published BY LONGMANS and GO 


De Tocqueville’s Democracy in America. 2 

Dobson on the Ox . 19 

Dove’s Law of Storms . 8 

Dyer’s City of Rome. 2 


Eabtlake’s Hints on Household Taste — 12 

-History of Oil Painting . 11 

Edginton’s Odyssey. 18 

Edwards’s Shipmaster’s Guide. 20 

Elements of Botany . 9 

Ellicott’s Commentary on Ephesians .... 14 

•-Destiny of the Creature . 14 

-Lectures on Life of Christ .... 14 

-Commentary on Galatians .... 14 

-Pastoral Epist. 14 

---Philippians,&c. 14 

-Thessalonians 14 


Essays and Reviews . 15 

E ward’s History of Israel ... 14 


Hewitt on the Diseases of Women. 10 

Holmes’s Surgical Treatment of Children.. 10 

-System of Surgery. 10 

Hooker and Walker-Arnott’s British 

Flora. 9 

Horne s Introduction to the Scriptures .. 14 

-Compendium of the Scriptures .. 14 

How we Spent the Summer. 16 

Howard’s Gymnastic Exercises . 10 

Howitt’s Australian Discovery. 16 

-Northern Heights of London.... 17 

-Rural Life of England. 17 

-Visits to Remarkable Places .... 17 

Hughes’s Manual of Geography. 7 

Hullah’s Lectures on Modern Music. 11 

-Part Music, Sacred and Secular.. 11 

-Sacred Music . 11 

Humphrey's’s Sentiments of Shakspcare .. 11 

Hutton’s Studies in Parliament. 6 

Hymns from Lyra Germanica . 14 


Fairbairn’s Application of Cast and 

Wrought Iron to Building . 12 

-Information for Engineers .... 12 

-Treatise on Mills and Millwork 12 

Fairbairn on Iron Shipbuilding. 12 

Farrar’s Chapters on Language. 5 

Felkin on Hosiery & Lace Manufactures.. 13 

Ffoulkes’s Christendom’s Divisions. 15 

Fitzgibbon’s Ireland . 2 

Fliedner’s (Pastor) Life. 3 

Forbes’s Earls of Granard. 4 

Francis’s Fishing Book . 19 

Froude’s History of England . 1 

-Short Studies . 6 


Ganot’s Elementary Physics . 8 

Gilbert’s Cadore . 16 

-and Churchill’s Dolomite Moun¬ 
tains . 16 ! 

Gilly’s Shipwrecks of the Navy . 17 

Girtin’s House I Live In . 10 

’ Goldsmith’s Poems, Illustrated. 18 

Goodeve’s Elements of Mechanism. 12 

Gould’s Silver Store. 6 

Graham’s Book About Words . 5 

Grant’s Ethics of Aristotle. 5 

Graver Thoughts of a Country Parson. 6 

Gray’s Anatomy. 10 

Greene’s Corals and Sea Jellies . 9 

-Sponges and Animalculae. 9 

Greenhow on Bronchitis . 10 

Grove on Correlation of Physical Forces .. 8 

Gwilt’s Encyclopaedia of Architecture .... 12 


Hare on Election of Representatives . 5 

Hartwig’s Harmonies of Nature. 9 

-Polar World . 9 

-Sea and its Living Wonders.... 9 

-Tropical World. 9 

Haughton’s Manual of Geology . 8 

Hawker’s Instructions to Young Sports¬ 
men .. 19 

Henderson’s Folk-Lore. 6 

Hersciiel’s Outlines of Astronomj 7 . 7 

-Preliminary Discourse on the 

Study of Natural Philosophy ............ 8 


Icelandic Legends, Second Series. 17 

Ingelow’s Poems . 18 

-Story of Doom. 18 

Instructions in Household Matters. 20 


Jameson’s Legends of Saints and Martyrs.. 11 

-Legends of the Madonna. 11 

-Legends of the Monastic Orders 11 

-Legends of the Saviour. 11 

Jenner’s Holy Child. 18 

Johnston’s Geographical Dictionary. 7 

Jordan on Vis Inertiae in Ocean. 8 

Jukes on Second Death . 15 

-on Types of Genesis. 15 

KALiscn’s Commentary on the Bible. 5 

-Hebrew Grammar. 5 

Keith on Destiny of the World.... 14 

-Fulfilment of Prophecy. 14 

Iverl’s Metallurgy, by Crookes and 

Rohrig . 13 

Kesteven’s Domestic Medicine . 10 

Kirby and Spence’s Entomology. 0 

Landon’s (L.E. L.) Poetical Works . 18 

Latham’s English Dictionary. 5 

-River Plate. 7 

Lecky’s History of European Morals. 3 

-Rationalism. & 

Leighton’s Sermons and Charges . 13 

Leisure Hours in Town. 6 

Lessons of Middle Age . 6 

Lewes’s Biographical History of Philosophy 3 
Liddell and Scott’s Greek-Eaglish Lexicon 5 

-—r Abridged ditto . 6 

Life of Man Symbolised. 11 

Lindley and Moore’s Treasury of Botany 9 

Longman’s Edward the Third. 2. 

-Lecturespn History of England 2 

Loudon’s Encyclopaedia of Agriculture .... 13. 

-Gardening.. 13 

-Plants. 9 

Lowndes’s Engineer’s Handbook. 12 









































































































































NEW WORKS published by LONGMANS and CO. 


28 


Lyra Domestica. :.... . 

-Eueharistiea.... 

-Germanica.11, 

-Messianica. 

-Mystica ... 


Macaulay’s (Lord) Essays. 

-History of England .. 

-Lays of Ancient Rome 

--Miscellaneous Writings 

---— Speeches. 

-Works. 

Macfarren’s Lectures on Harmony. 

Macleod’s Elements of Political Economy 

-Dictionary of Political Economy 

-Elements of Banking.. 

-Theory and Practice of Banking 

McCulloch’s Dictionary of Commerce .... 

-Geographical Dictionary .... 

Maguire’s Irish in America. 

Maguire’s Life of Father Mathew. 

Malleson’s French in India. 

Manning’s England and Christendom .... 

Marshall’s Physiology ... 

Marshman’s History of India . 

—-Life of Havelock .... 

Martineau’s Endeavours after the Chris¬ 
tian Life .. 

Martineau’s Letters from Australia. 

Massey’s History of England.. 

Massingbf.rd’s History of the Reformation 

Maunder’s Biographical Treasury. 

-Geograuhical Treasury. 

-Historical Treasury . 

-Scientific, and Literary Treasury 

-Treasury of Knowledge... 

-Treasury of Natural History .. 

Maury’s Physical Geography. 

May’s Constitutional History of England.. 
Meissner’s Biographical and Critical Essays 

Melia on Virgin Mary. 

Melville’s Digby Grand. 

-General Bounce .. 

• -Gladiators. 

- Good for Nothing . 

-Holmby House. 

• -Interpreter . 

-Kate Coventry. 

-Queen’s Maries . 

Mendelssohn’s Letters . 

Merivale’s (H.) Historical Studies . 

-(C.) Fall of the Roman Republic 

--Romans under the Empire 

-— Boyle Lectures . 

Merrifield and Evers’s Navigation .... 
Miles on Horse’s Foot and Horse Shoeing. 

- on Horses’ Teeth and Stables --- 

Mill (J.) on the Mind. 

Mill (J. S.) on Liberty.. 

-on Representative Government 

-:— on Utilitarianism . 

-’s Dissertations and Discussions. 

--Political Economy . 

-System of Logic. 

-Hamilton’s Philosophy . 

-Inaugural Address at .St. Andrew’s . 

Miller’s Elements of Chemistry. 

-Hymn Writers. 

Mitchell’s Manual of Assaying ... 

Modern Ireland.... 


. Monsell’s Beatitudes. 15 

-His Presence not his Memory.. 15 

-‘ Spiritual Songs ’ . 15 

Moore’s Irish Melodies. 18 

-Lalla Rookh .. 18 

-Journal and Correspondence .... 3 

-Poetical Works. 18 

-(Dr. G.) First Man. 8 

-Power of the Soul over 

the Body. 15 

Morell’s Elements of Psychology . 7 

-Mental Philosophy. 7 

Mountfield on National Church . 14 

Muller’s (Max) Chips from a German 

Workshop . 7 

-Lectures on the Science of Lan¬ 
guage. 5 

- (K. O.) Literature of Ancient 

Greece . 2 

Murchison on Continued Fevers.. 10 

-on Liver Complaints. 10 

Mure’s Language and Literature of Greece 2 


New Testament Illustrated with Wood En¬ 
gravings from the Old Masters . 11 

Newman’s History of his Religious Opinions 3 
Nicholas’s Pedigree of the English People 6 
Nichols’s Handbook to British Museum.. 20 

Nightingale’s Notes on Hospitals . 20 

Nilsson’s Scandinavia. 8 

Nortiicote’s Sanctuary of the Madonna .. 14 

Northcott on Lathes and Turning . 12 

Norton’s City of London . 17 


Odling’s Animal Chemistry ...... 10 

-Course of Practical Chemistry .. 10 

—-Manual of Chemistry. 9 

Original Designs for Wood Carving. 12 

Owen’s Comparative Anatomy and Physio¬ 
logy of Vertebrate Animals. 8 

Owen’s Lectures on the Invertebrata. 8 


Packe’s Guide to the Pyrenees.. 16 

Paget’s Lectures on Surgical Pathology .. 10 

Palm Leaves . 16 

Pereira’s Manual of Materia Mediea. 11 

Perkins’s Italian and Tuscan Sculptors .. 12 

Phillips’s Guide to Geology .. 8 

PniLLiPPS’s Horse and Man ... 19 

Pictures in Tyrol..... 16 

Piesse’s Art of Perfumery. 13 

-Chemical, Natural, and Physical Magic 13 

Pike’s English and their Origin . 6 

Playtime with the Poets . 18 

Plowden’s Abyssinia . 17 

Polko’s Reminiscences of Mendelssohn.... 4 

Pratt’s Law of Building Societies .. 20 

Prescott’s Scripture Difficulties. 14 

Proctor’s Handbook of the Stars . 7 

-Saturn . 7 

Pyceoft’s Cricket Field... 19 

Quarterly Journal of Science. 9 

Quick’s Educational Reformers .. 4 


15 

15 

15 

15 

15 

3 

1 

18 

6 

5 

1 

11 

4 

4 

20 

19 

19 

7 

17 

3 

2 

15 

10 

2 

4 

16 

16 

1 

3 

4 

7 

3 

9 

20 

9 

7 

1 

4 

14 

17 

17 

17 

17 

17 

17 

17 

17 

4 

1 

2 

2 

2 

7 

19 

19 

4 

4 

4 

4 

4 

4 

4 

4 

■4- 

9 

15 

13 

2 

























































































































































24 


NEW WORKS published BT LONGMANS and CO. 


Raymond on Fishing without Cruelty .... 18 

Recreations of a Country Parson . 6 

Reilly’s Map of Mont Plane. 16 

Reimann on Aniline Dyes . 13 

Religious Republics. 15 

Richardson's Life, by M‘I1 wraith. 4 

iley’s Memorials of London . 17 

ivers’s Rose Amateur’s Guide . 9 

Robbins’s Cavalry Catechism. 19 

Rogers’s Correspondence of Greyson. 7 

-- Eclipse of Faith . 7 

-Defence of Faith. 7 

---Essays from the Edinburgh Re - 

view . 6 

-Reason and Faith . 6 

Roget’s Thesaurus of English Words and 

Phrases. 5 

Roma Sotterranea . 16 

Ronalds’s Fly-Fisher’s Entomology . 19 

Rowton’s Debater. 5 

Rudd’s Aristophanes. 18 

Russell on Government and Constitution 1 


Sandars’s Justinian’s Institutes. 5 

Scheffler on Ocular Defects . 10 

Schubert’s Life, translated by Coleridge 3 

Scott’s Lectures on the Fine Arts . 11 

Seebohm’s Oxford Reformers of 1498 . 2 

Senior’s Journals &c. relating to Ireland.. 2 

Sewell’s After Life . 17 

-- Glimpse^ of the World . 17 

_History of the Early Church .... 3 

_Journal of a Home Life . 17 

-- Passing Thoughts on Religion .. 15 

_Preparation for Communion .... 15 

-Principles of Education . 15 

-Readings for Confirmation. 15 

-Readings for Lent. 15 

-Examination for Confirmation .. 15 

-— Stories and Tales . 17 

Shakspeare’s Midsummer Night’s Dream, 

illustrated with Silhouettes. 11 

Shaw’s Work on Wine. 20 

Shepherd’s Iceland. 16 

Shipley’s Church and the World . 14 

-Invocation of Saints. 16 

Short Whist . 20 

Short’s Church History. 3 

Smart’s Walker’s English Pronouncing 

Dictionaries . 5 

Smith’s (Southwood) Philosophy of Health 20 

-(J.) Paul’s Voyage and Shipwreck 13 

-(Sydney) Miscellaneous Works .. 6 

-Wit and Wisdom . 6 

Southey’s (Doctor) . 5 

-Poetical Works. 18 

Stafford’s Life of the Blessed Virgin .... 14 

Stanley’s History of British Birds. 9 

Stebbing’s Analysis of Mill’s Logic. 4 

Stephen’s Essays in Ecclesiastical Bio¬ 
graphy . 4 

Stirling’s Secret of Hegel. 7 

Stokes’s Life of Petrie. 4 

Stonehenge on the Dog. 19 

-- on the Greyhound. 19 

Strickland’s Tudor Princesses . 4 


Sunday Afternoons at the Parish Church of 6 


a Scottish University City . 6 

Taylor’s (Jeremy) Works, edited by Eden 15 
-(E.) Selections from some Con¬ 
temporary Poets . 18 

Tennent’s Ceylon . 9 

Thirlwall’s History of Greece . 2 

Timbs’s Curiosities of London . 17 

Thomson’s (Archbishop) Laws of Thought 5 

-(A. T.) Conspectus. 10 

Three Fountains (The). 19 

Todd (A.) on Parliamentary Government.. 1 

--and Bowman’s Anatomy and Phy¬ 
siology of Man . 10 

Trench’s Realities of Irish Life . 2 

Trollope’s Barchester Towers. 17 

-Warden . 17 

Twiss’s Law of Nations. 20 

Tyndall’s Lectures on Heat. 8 

-Lectures on Sound. 8 

-Memoir of Faraday. 4 

Uncle Peter’s Fairy Tale . 17 

Ure’s Dictionary of Arts, Manufactures, and 
Mines . 12 

Van Der Hoeven’s Handbook of Zoology.. 8 

Ventouillac’s French Poetry. 18 

Warburton’s Hunting Songs . 19 

Watson’s Principles and Practice of Physic 10 

Watts’s Dictionary of Chemistry. 9 

Webb’s Objects for Common Telescopes.... 7 

Webster & Wilkinson’s Greek Testament 14 

Wellington’s Life, by Gleig. 3 

Wells on Dew. 3 

West on Children’s Diseases . 10 

-on Nursing Children. 20 

WnATELY’s English Synonymes . 5 

-Life and Correspondence. 8 

-Logic. 5 

•-Rhetoric. 5 

-on Religious Worship . 16 

Whist, what to Lead, by Cam. 20 

White and Riddle’s Latin-English Dic¬ 
tionaries . 5 

Wilcocks’s Sea Fisherman. 19 

Willich’s Popular Tables . 20 

Winslow on Light. 8 

Wood’s (J. G.) Bible Animals. 8 

-Homes without Hands .... 8 

-(T.) Chemical Notes . 10 

Woodward’s Historical and Chronological 

Encyclopaedia. 3 

Wright’s Homer’s Iliad. is 

Yeo’s Manual of Zoology. 8 

Yonge’s English-Greek Lexicons. 5 

-Two Editions of Horace. 18 

You ATT on the Dog . 19 

-on the Horse. 19 

Zeller’s Socrates... 3 



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